A Note on Publication

In the twentieth century, Sayyid Abul A‘la Maududi (RH) was a renowned Islamic thinker and philosopher in the Indian subcontinent. His literature based on Islamic philosophy and his Tafsir have been translated into various languages throughout the world and have received widespread praise and acclaim. Interest in learning about his personal life and his life of dedicated work has increased greatly. The fifth edition of Maulana Maududi’s biography has already sold out. As the sixth edition is now going to be published, we offer abundant thanks to the Great Lord of the Worlds, and at the same time pray for the forgiveness of the soul of the respected author of this book, Muhtaram Abbas Al Khan—who is no longer among us.

Moreover, Professor Yusuf Ali, the publisher of the earlier editions, has also departed this world. We pray that Allah accept all his righteous deeds and grant him residence in Paradise.

I hope this edition, like the previous ones, will also be well received by readers. May the Great Lord of the Worlds grant us the ability to offer every sacrifice in the cause of propagating His religion. Ameen.

Preface to the Fourth Edition

The third edition of the biography of Maulana Maududi (RH) ended more than a year ago. I offer endless thanks to Allah Almighty that the fourth edition is now going to be published. It is natural that some errors and shortcomings remained in the third edition despite our caution. I hope kind-hearted readers will view them with forgiveness. I also remain grateful to the Central Publication Department of Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh for undertaking the responsibility of publishing this book.

I hope this book will be as well received among readers as before. May Allah Almighty accept this humble service of mine. Ameen.

The author

July 1996

Preface to the Second Edition

About fifteen years ago, the first edition of this book was published, containing a brief account of the life and accomplishments of Maulana Sayyid Abul A‘la Maududi (RH). It was the first book of its kind in the Bengali language. Since the late Maulana was still alive when the book was published, it cannot be called his complete biography. In any event, it sold out before the creation of Bangladesh, and demands and requests for republication continued to come from various places. Subsequently, quite recently, the Maulana departed this world and went into the presence of his own Lord.

This time, my own incapacity and inadequacy repeatedly discouraged me from taking up the pen anew regarding the Maulana’s life and accomplishments. The Maulana’s position among the intellectuals of the Muslim world is so lofty, and his contributions left for the Muslim nation and his future descendants are so vast and immense, that portraying them fully is beyond my ability. He left nothing undone that could be done or said for the Muslim nation and its descendants. His writings and thought—especially his revolutionary Tafsir, Tafhim al-Qur’an, and Sirat-e-Sarwar-e-Alam—will continue to guide the Muslim nation for several centuries. He provided complete guidance for the various aspects and spheres of life and society. For this reason, the Islamic world unanimously remembers and will remember him as its leader, a reformer of the century, and a maker of history.

Since the call, message, and ideals of Maulana Sayyid Abul A‘la Maududi (RH) were international, worldwide, and intended for the welfare of humanity, his personality was not confined to any geographically defined country; rather, it was international. Therefore, he stood far above all regionalism, nepotism, and one-sidedness. Thus, Sayyid Maududi is a beloved name to Muslims throughout the world, an object of attraction and respect for all. This book is not merely the life story of one person; rather, it is a life, a history, and a complete Islamic movement.

Delhi was the ancestral homeland of the Maulana’s forefathers. He was born and raised in Hyderabad in the Deccan. In order to implement Islam’s sublime ideals, he permanently left his birthplace and chose Pathankot in East Punjab as his place of work. After the Partition of India, he migrated to Lahore. No attachment to any regional territory could divert him from the path of ideals. Though he spent the final thirty-three years of his life in Lahore, he did not become Lahori or Punjabi. He belonged to the whole world. He belonged to humanity.

He consistently propagated the truth. He raised his voice against falsehood, injustice, corruption, oppression, and exploitation. His truthful words sometimes made him unpopular with his relatives, his friends and associates, and many elders of the nation.

His mother tongue was Urdu, which he served throughout his life. He gave that language a new form and adorned it with new embellishments. Yet he respected all languages and placed particular importance on the mother tongue. Although Urdu was his mother tongue, he clearly expressed his view in favor of Bengali becoming the state language of Pakistan.

He sharply criticized the injustice and discriminatory conduct of the West Pakistani rulers toward East Pakistan during the period of undivided Pakistan and offered solutions.

He made clear, justice-based comments concerning the conduct of non-native Muslims in East Pakistan, the language problem, the employment problem, and the problem of national defense. He compared East Pakistan to a part of his body. He said, “Pakistan is equal to my body and soul. Just as I cannot distinguish between my two hands, likewise I cannot distinguish between the two parts of Pakistan. Whichever of my two hands becomes ill, it is an illness of the whole body. It is my duty to investigate its cause and arrange proper treatment. To fail to do so would mean being hostile to oneself.”

During his travels in the Middle East, he fearlessly criticized Arab nationalism before the people and intellectuals there. On the other hand, he also criticized the activities of the employees of Pakistani embassies stationed abroad.

Another appealing quality of his character was that he never considered himself above error. Therefore, at workers’ conferences of the Jamaat and council sessions (Majlis-e-Shura), he would always offer himself for criticism. He gave those who were ever ready to sacrifice their lives for him every opportunity to state without hesitation any mistake or shortcoming they had noticed in him. In this way, he shattered the deeply rooted superstition of many years: “To find fault with elders is itself a fault.”

He remained so immersed day and night in serving the religion that he had no time to attend to his household, children, or own health. He had devoted himself to serving the Muslim nation and humanity.

Therefore, it may be said without hesitation that the personality of Sayyid and Murshid Maududi was not confined within any one country. He was neither Indian nor Pakistani, neither Arab nor non-Arab. Rather, he belonged to the Muslim world and to humanity.

That is why I was saying that, whenever I took up the pen concerning the personality of Sayyid Maududi, the respected thinker of the Muslim nation, I repeatedly felt my own inadequacy. Nevertheless, under pressure from growing demands and requests from all sides, I am attempting to publish an expanded edition. However, since I did not have the time and tranquil environment necessary for this, I can say without hesitation that I was unable to fulfill the right of writing on this subject. Major books can be written on the various aspects of the Maulana’s thought, and there is certainly a need for them. I believe that, in response to the demands of the age, the intellectual community will certainly undertake this work—and many already have.

I appeal to Bengali-speaking readers: try to learn the Maulana’s true identity with an impartial and clear outlook. I firmly believe that his literature is so powerful, fluent, and moving that it cannot fail to stir the heart and mind of an attentive reader. I also request readers to read his other writings once with an open mind. Through reading his literature, his true identity will become clear to the heart and mind.

My earnest wish was to make this book as high-quality as possible in terms of printing. But because of the press of work and frequent travel to Dhaka and abroad, it was not possible to devote full attention to the printing. It is therefore natural that printing errors and imperfections remain. I hope kind-hearted readers will view them with forgiveness.

Despite many difficulties, this book has been published, for which I offer countless thanks to Allah Almighty.

Finally, if this book succeeds in gaining even a little esteem among readers, I will consider my labor worthwhile. Of course, I seek its true recompense only in the Hereafter. This book is being published at the beginning of the fifteenth Hijri century. Therefore, I pray before the Creator of the universe that this small book may make some contribution to the waves of worldwide Islamic revival. Ameen.

The author

Dhaka

Muharram 1400 AH

December 1979

Dedication

This book is dedicated to the one whose life story it contains, and to my late mother, father, and uncle. In addition, it is dedicated to those who have reddened this earth of Allah with their blood in the path of Allah.

The author

A Song of Life in the Gallows Cell

On 8 May 1953, a military court in Pakistan sentenced Maulana Maududi to death. Upon hearing the order, the fearless and composed Mujahid made this historic statement:

“Remember that I have committed no crime. I will never beg them for my life. Nor should anyone else plead for my life on my behalf—not my mother, not my brother, and not my wife, children, or relatives. This is also my request to the people of the Jamaat. For the decision of life and death is made in heaven, not on earth.”

To the revolutionary traveler whose ascent to the gallows was certain, his relatives, friends, and well-wishers appealed: “The decision not to plead for your life is your own. It does not mean that the Jamaat must accept this decision. You must accept whatever decision the Jamaat makes in the broader interest, in light of the external circumstances.”

“I consider my decision correct even from the Jamaat’s point of view. It is your duty to convey this clear and definite decision of mine to the Jamaat leaders as well.”

“If I sit down,

who will remain standing?”

In October 1963, a conference of the All-Pakistan Jamaat-e-Islami was held in Lahore. The government refused permission so that the conference could not take place. Later, it declared the use of loudspeakers prohibited throughout Pakistan. Even so, a conference of ten to twelve thousand people began without loudspeakers. Standing on a table every fifteen or twenty cubits, people loudly read out the printed speech at the same time as it was delivered from the stage.

About ten minutes after the meeting began, some thugs suddenly entered the meeting tent. They were nearly frenzied with drink. They began disrupting the order of the meeting. Suddenly, the canopy caught fire; outside it, shouts and the sound of pistol shots were heard. Several shots were also fired at the Maulana, but every shot missed its target. At that time, voices could be heard from all sides saying, “Maulana, sit down; Maulana, sit down.” The Maulana, who was delivering his speech, remained standing and said in a calm voice, “If I sit down, who will remain standing?” … In this way, he concluded his inaugural speech.

Through immense patience and wisdom, the Jamaat workers kept the entire situation completely under control and maintained full order.

During this speech, Jamaat worker Allah Bakhsh was martyred by bullets fired by hired criminals.

Maulana Maududi (RH): His Lineage

Maulana Sayyid Abul A‘la Maududi was born into a highly distinguished family that had maintained the work of Islamic preaching, religious education, and spiritual guidance in the world for thirteen or fourteen hundred years. In the third century of the Hijra, a branch of the Alid-Fatimid lineage settled at a place near the city of Herat in Afghanistan; that place later became famous in the world as Chisht. The renowned saint of this lineage, Hazrat Shah Sufi Abdal Chishti (RH), was a descendant of Hazrat Imam Hasan (RA). It was from Hazrat Abdan Chishti that the famous Chishtiyya order became established. He died in 355 AH. His grandson and successor, Hazrat Nasiruddin Abu Yusuf Chishti (RH), belonged to the second branch descended from the Alid-Fatimid lineage. Through Hazrat Imam Ali Naqi (RH), his ascending genealogy leads to Hazrat Khwaja Qutbuddin Maudud Chishti (RH), the eldest son of Hazrat Imam Husain Shahid (RA), who was the original spiritual guide of the Indian Chishtiyya order. The Maududi family originated from his name. Khwaja Qutbuddin died in 572 AH.

The relationship of the Maududi family to the famous Sufi and dervish of the Indian subcontinent, Hazrat Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti (RH), is as follows:

Descending chain of spiritual guides

1) Hazrat Qutbuddin Chishti (RH)

2) Hazrat Jami Sharif Zindani (RH)

3) Hazrat Usman Haruni (RH)

4) Hazrat Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti Sinjari (RH)

That is, Hazrat Qutbuddin Maudud Chishti (RH) was the great-grandfather guide of Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti (RH).

The first of the forefathers of the Maududi family to set foot in India was Hazrat Abul A‘la Chishti (RH). He came to India in the latter part of the ninth century AH, during the reign of Delhi’s Sultan Sikandar Lodi, and settled in a small town called Baras on the outskirts of Karnataka. He was a renowned saint. He entered Paradise in 935 AH.

During the time of Emperor Shah Alam, this family came to Delhi and settled there permanently. From then until the fifth generation, all members of this lineage lived in Delhi. Maulana Sayyid Abul A‘la Maududi (RH) of the present age is the sixth generation of this lineage.

Through his maternal ancestry flows the blood of Turkish heroes in Maulana Maududi (RH). His great-grandfather, Mirza Qurban Ali Beg Khan Salik, was a Turkish poet and writer. However, military service had been the profession of his forefathers. One of their ancestors, named Mirza Tolak Beg, came to India during the reign of Emperor Aurangzeb Alamgir and joined the army. Until the reign of Emperor Shah Alam, members of this family held one royal position or another. After the Mughal Empire broke apart, they too scattered in various directions. The late Nawab Alam Beg Khan, father of the late Qurban Ali Beg Khan Salik, and his uncle, the late Nawab Niyaz Bahadur Khan, came to Hyderabad toward the end of the reign of Hyderabad’s then Nizam, Nawab Mir Nizam Ali Khan. Nawab Niyaz Bahadur married the daughter of Nawab Mustaqil Jang Izzat-ud-Daulah Ashur Beg Khan. Ashur Beg Khan was Niyaz Bahadur Khan’s uncle. The Nizams of Hyderabad bestowed upon them titles similar to those bestowed upon them by the Mughal emperors. After Mustaqil Jang, Nawab Niyaz Bahadur Khan succeeded him as a Jamadar and jagirdar.

Nawab Alam Beg Khan married into the family of Abdul Rahim Khan, the fort commander of Golconda. Qurban Ali Beg Khan Salik was born from this marriage. In 1822, Nawab Niyaz Bahadur Khan was martyred in the disturbance at Chanchalgarh in the Deccan. After this incident, Nawab Alam Beg went to Delhi with his young son. About forty years later, Mirza Qurban Ali Beg went to Hyderabad, where Salar Jung Azam appointed him chief educational adviser. There, with the assistance of Nawab Imad-ul-Mulk Bilgrami, he composed a priceless book entitled Makhzanul Fawaid. Although it may not have been the very first book of Hyderabad, it is undoubtedly one of its most famous old books. Mirza Qurban Ali Beg Khan Salik died in 1855.

The Lineage of Maulana Maududi (RH)

Descending

Imam of the Godfearing, Sayyiduna Hazrat Ali ibn Abi Talib (RA)

Hazrat Imam Husain Shahid (RA)

Hazrat Imam Zayn al-Abidin (RA)

Hazrat Imam Muhammad al-Baqir (RA)

Hazrat Imam Muhammad Ja‘far Sadiq (RA)

Hazrat Imam Musa al-Kazim (RA)

Hazrat Imam Muhammad Taqi (RA)

Hazrat Imam Muhammad Naqi (RA)

Sayyid al-Sa‘adat Abdullah Ali Akbar (RH)

Sayyid al-Sa‘adat Husain (RH)

Sayyid al-Sa‘adat Muhammad (RH)

Muhammad Shamyān Chishti (RH)

Khwaja Nasiruddin Qutbuddin Yusuf Chishti (RH)

Khwaja of the Khwajas, Qutbuddin Maudud Chishti (RH)

Khwaja Abu Ahmad Maududi Chishti (RH)

Khwaja Ruknuddin Maududi Chishti (RH)

Khwaja Nizamuddin Maududi Chishti (RH)

Khwaja Qutbuddin Muhammad Maududi Chishti (RH)

Khwaja Ali Abu Ahmad Sani Maududi Chishti (RH)

Khwaja Ahmad Abu Yusuf Sani Maududi Chishti (RH)

Khwaja Muhammad Zahid Maududi Chishti (RH)

Khwaja Qutbuddin Maudud Sani Chishti (RH)

Khwaja Nizamuddin Ali Maududi Chishti (RH)

Khwaja Muhammad Muhiuddin Shah Khajgi Maududi Chishti (RH)

Shah Abul A‘la Maududi Chishti (RH)

Shah Abdul Ali Maududi (RH)

Shah Abdul Ghani Maududi (RH)

Khwaja Abdus Samad Maududi (RH)

Khwaja Abdus Shakur (also known as Khoshal Muhammad) Maududi (RH)

Khwaja Abdullah (also known as Gul Muhammad) Maududi (RH)

Khwaja Abdul Bari (also known as Mir Bhikhari) Maududi (RH)

Khwaja Abdul Wali (also known as Mir Fazl Ilahi) Maududi (RH)

Shah Abdul Aziz (also known as Mir Karam Ila) Maududi (RH)

Shah Waris Ali Maududi (RH)

Sayyid Hasan Maududi (RH)

Sayyid Ahmad Hasan Maududi (RH)

Sayyid Abul A‘la Maududi (RH)

Sayyid Ahmad Hasan Maududi

Maulana Maududi’s (رح) father, Syed Ahmad Hasan Maududi (رح), was born in the city of Delhi in 1855, two years before the Sepoy Revolt of 1857. He was a student of the early period of Aligarh Educational Institution. It is known to all that the establishment of the Aligarh Educational Institution did not receive the support and sympathy of the religious Muslims of that time. This was because they held English education, and Western tahdhib and tamaddun, in extreme contempt and aversion. On the other hand, Sir Syed Ahmad, the founder of Aligarh University, was deeply interested in them. He continued gathering intelligent and gifted boys from among his relatives and enrolling them at Aligarh. He enrolled Syed Ahmad Hasan Maududi at Aligarh, virtually by force.

It can easily be inferred that the Maududi family were extremely opposed and averse to English and Western education. For they were not merely foremost in Islamic education and instruction; they also held the highest position among the piran-e-tariqat, or spiritual guides. But because Syed Ahmad took Pirzada Ahmad Hasan to Aligarh in the name of kinship, Pir Syed Hasan Maududi (رح) remained silent, deeply distressed.

Once, a friend of Pir Syed Hasan Maududi (رح) went to Aligarh on some errand. There he saw the boy Ahmad Hasan playing cricket with the other students while wearing Western clothes. Deeply distressed by such conduct on the part of the son of a renowned pir of pirs of the tariqah, he returned to Delhi and said, “Bring Ahmad Hasan home from Aligarh immediately, or sever your connection with him. He is ruined.”

Ahmad Hasan’s student life at Aligarh came to an end. His father, Syed Hasan, immediately brought his son home from Aligarh College with a transfer certificate. The then principal gave the following testimonial:

This is to certify that Ahmad Hasan was reading in the third school class of this college during part of last year and that he was then receiving a scholarship of Rs 5/- a month.

His conduct was satisfactory, and the moulvi with whom he studied his second language states that he was fairly proficient in both Arabic and Persian.

Signed—S. D. T. Siddons

Date: 17 February 1877

Principal

Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College, Aligarh

Later, Ahmad Hasan Maududi passed his law examination from Allahabad. After passing the law examination, he was invited to work as a tutor in the royal family of the princely state of Deogarh. On reaching Deogarh, he learned that one of his teachers had also been invited for the same position. He courteously informed the Raja Sahib that he was unwilling to compete with his own teacher for a job. Therefore, he would be happy if his teacher were appointed in his place. Meanwhile, the Raja Sahib questioned Ahmad Hasan Maududi’s teacher about the other candidate, his rival. He said, “He is my own student and, in my eyes, merely a boy. How much qualification can he possibly have for teaching?”

Observing this contrasting difference in the character of the two candidates, the Raja Sahib remarked, “I see greater ability in the student than in the teacher.” In the end, Ahmad Hasan Maududi was appointed tutor.

Lawyer Ahmad Hasan Maududi

After working as a tutor in Deogarh for some time, Syed Ahmad Hasan Maududi practiced law in Meerut, Ghaziabad, Bulandshahr and various other places. In 1896, he went to the city of Aurangabad in Hyderabad to plead a case. Janab Mahiuddin Khan was the Mir, or chief judge, there. He was Ahmad Hasan Maududi’s uncle at a distant remove. Ahmad Hasan demonstrated considerable scholarship in conducting the case. On the advice of the provincial Mir, he settled permanently in Aurangabad to practice law, and within a short time his reputation as a lawyer spread widely.

Until then, Western ideas and ways of life had strongly influenced Lawyer Maududi. The hereditary religious spark that existed within his heart lay shrouded in darkness. But through the companionship and association of Sahib Mahiuddin Khan, the Western ideas within him gradually began to transform into a completely Islamic outlook. Mahiuddin Khan was not merely a chief judge; he was also a highly elevated wali and saintly elder. In 1900, Ahmad Hasan pledged allegiance to him and became absorbed in dhikr and supplications, muraqabah and mushahadah, and worship and devotion. Thus four full years passed.

In 1904, when Syed Abul A‘la Maududi (رح) was a one-year-old child, Lawyer Maududi felt that practicing law had become a major obstacle to his pursuit of spiritual knowledge. He therefore abandoned the legal profession and took the opportunity to devote himself in seclusion to meditation in the love of God. He freely distributed all the money earned from his legal practice, his clothes, household furniture and belongings, and went to Delhi with his family in a state of complete destitution. There he took refuge in a very old slum called Arab Sarai, near the revered shrine of Hazrat Khwaja Nizamuddin Auliya Mahbub-e-Ilahi (رح). He more or less withdrew from the company of his wife, children and relatives, and remained secluded day and night, absorbed in contemplation of Allah. In this way, three full years passed.

Meanwhile, the chief judge of Aurangabad, Janab Mahiuddin Khan, learned of Lawyer Maududi’s miserable condition and summoned him to his presence in Aurangabad. At the call of his paternal uncle and pir-murshid, Ahmad Hasan Maududi returned to Aurangabad. Mahiuddin Khan advised him that abandoning worldly involvement was not essential on the path to attaining God. On the contrary, asceticism is condemned by Islam. Earning money is absolutely necessary for living and supporting a household. One must, however, ensure that every penny is earned through halal means. At the direction of his pir-murshid, Syed Ahmad Hasan Maududi returned to Aurangabad with his family and resumed practicing law. From then on, however, a new chapter began in his legal career.

From then on, before accepting any case, he had to make extensive inquiries about its truthfulness. As a result, he had to endure poverty. But while his Islamic outlook and profound love of God continued to grow, so too did his aversion and disgust toward worldly pleasures and desires. His thoughts, way of life and every activity underwent such a transformation that it was exceedingly difficult to believe that the ecstatic current of Western ideas had once flowed through his heart.

In any event, he practiced law in Aurangabad until 1915. He then went to Hyderabad. But because his health deteriorated, he had to go to Bhopal. Sadly, he suffered a stroke there and, four years later, in 1920, entered Paradise.

It should be noted that Ahmad Hasan Maududi received complete instruction in Sahih Muslim and Sunan al-Nasa’i and obtained a certificate and permission to teach hadith from the muhaddith, Maulana Habibur Rahman Sahib, a teacher at Madrasa Islamia, Aurangabad.

Maulana Maududi’s Birth and Education

On 3 Rajab 1321 AH (1903 CE), a remarkable child was born in the home of Syed Ahmad Hasan Maududi, the renowned lawyer of Aurangabad. The father, eagerly delighted, named his infant son Syed Abul A‘la Maududi and offered boundless thanks to Allah Almighty. Three years before the child’s birth, a saintly elder had told his father, “Look, by Allah’s grace you will have a son. Name him Abul A‘la Maududi. For a renowned perfected pir bearing this name was the first of your forefathers to come to India.”

This prophetic counsel remained alive in the father’s heart. Truly, by the glory of God, he was blessed with a son three years later, and his heart and soul melted with immense joy and gratitude toward God.

It has already been stated that a revolutionary change had come over Syed Abul A‘la Maududi’s father even before his birth, and only one year after his son’s birth he became so madly in love with God that he renounced worldly life. Although he later resumed the appearance of a householder, he did not return to the household he had previously abandoned; instead, he created a household filled with a fully Islamic and moral environment. The result was that when the child Maududi’s eyes of understanding opened—when he learned to enjoy the light and air of the world—he heard around him only the gentle murmur of a heavenly, sweet, Islamic and morally charged environment. The lifestyles of both his father and mother were imbued with a completely Islamic character. Thus, from childhood, a complete image of the Islamic outlook was engraved upon Maududi’s tender heart.

Maududi’s Childhood Education

The father’s heartfelt desire was to make his son an alim of religion. His education and instruction were arranged accordingly. Alongside his primary education, he was taught the Qur’an, hadith, fiqh and other subjects through Arabic, Persian and Urdu. He was carefully kept away from English education and contact with Western ideas. He was not enrolled in any school during childhood. His early education continued under the supervision of highly skilled and upright home tutors. In his spare time, his father took him to gatherings of refined and learned people. Not a single point of profound philosophical discussion entered the boy Maududi’s mind. Nevertheless, it left a moral impression upon him. At night, his father would relate to his son, in the form of stories, the lives of the noble prophets (عليه السلام), the noble Companions (رضي الله عنهم), and the pious elders of the faith, as well as Islamic history. Through engaging, comprehensible and eloquent language, he engraved Islamic beliefs, doctrines and ideas upon his child’s heart.

The father kept a watchful eye on maintaining morality and courtesy in ordinary interaction and conversation with other people. He also paid special attention to his mother tongue, Urdu. Even after spending a full twenty years in the Deccan, he preserved the purity and grace of the language. No foreign synonym or form of speech ever entered his conversation. He always spoke pure, fluent Urdu. To preserve the purity of his son’s language as well, he never allowed him to have outside associations. Whenever he heard a word from another language in his son’s speech for any reason, he corrected it immediately.

From childhood, the father made special efforts to develop his excellent character. He kept a vigilant watch over him so that his character would not be tainted by mingling with wicked and immoral companions.

Once, the boy Maududi beat the maidservant’s young son. As soon as the father heard of it, he summoned the maidservant’s son and ordered him to beat his own son Maududi in exactly the same way. This lesson remained so deeply alive in the young Maududi’s tender heart that in later life he never raised his hand against a subordinate, even when that person had committed an offense, nor did he ever speak harshly to him.

The boy Maududi continued his studies at home until he was nine. During this period, he completed various elementary books on Arabic grammar, literature and fiqh. Then, on the advice of his teacher, the late Maulvi Nadimullah Husaini, he was enrolled in the final-year class of the Rushdiyah level (eighth grade) at the Fouqaniyah (higher) madrasa in Aurangabad. Only six months after enrolling, he took the Rushdiyah examination and failed. Naturally, he passed all the other subjects well, except mathematics. The reason he failed mathematics was that he had only first begun learning it six months earlier. The head teacher of the madrasa, Mulla Daud Sahib, enrolled him in the higher Maulvi class.

Now he had the opportunity to acquire new knowledge in various subjects. Although Urdu was the medium of instruction, he developed a deep interest in chemistry, health sciences, mathematics, history, geography and other subjects. Moreover, through association and contact with various teachers, his outlook and thinking broadened. The companionship of his fellow students removed the dullness and indifference that had developed in him because he had hitherto been isolated from the outside world and society.

It should be mentioned that at that time a new type of educational system was established in Hyderabad and Aurangabad according to the plans of Allama Shibli Nomani, Nawab Nizam-ul-Mulk Bilgrami and Maulana Hamiduddin Farahi. Urdu was the medium of instruction. History, the Qur’an and hadith, fiqh, mantiq (logic) and other subjects were taught. In this system, matriculation was called Maulvi, intermediate was called Maulvi Alim, and a degree college was called Darul Uloom.

In 1914, the boy Maududi took the Maulvi examination and, because he was weak in mathematics, ranked sixth among the successful students. At this time, his father’s health completely broke down. In 1916, he went from Aurangabad to Hyderabad and enrolled his son Maududi at Darul Uloom for higher education. The principal of Darul Uloom at that time was the late Maulana Hamiduddin. Leaving his son in Hyderabad, he went to Bhopal for treatment and a change of climate for his ailing father.

The boy Maududi continued studying at Hyderabad Darul Uloom. But before six months had passed, sad news came from Bhopal that his father was on his deathbed. As soon as he received the news, the boy Maududi went to Bhopal with his mother and devoted himself to caring for his dying father. From this time onward, the boy Maududi had to seek means of earning a livelihood. For even at such a young age he had gained enough practical wisdom to understand that, in order to live in the world with self-respect, one must become self-reliant and struggle to earn a livelihood by honest means. Meanwhile, after struggling for several years against poverty and illness, his father departed forever from the world’s arena of activity in 1920.

Firm Moral Character and Unshakable Courage

Through his father’s close companionship and education, the boy Maududi learned to distinguish between good and evil. His primary education and tarbiyah had established such a foundation of moral character within him that a different environment could not influence him in any way. The result was that when he was only fifteen years old, he was able to stand completely independently on his own feet. It was then the qualities of his firm moral character that kept him steadfast on the path of truth. In circumstances in which the vigor and exuberance of early youth lead a person astray, the waves and surges of the youthful tide of life crashed at Maududi’s feet, broke apart and were shattered. Yet they could not disturb him or carry him away into midstream.

The Beginning of Maududi’s Active Life

The Merciful Allah Almighty had endowed the adolescent Maududi with extraordinary talent. Thus, at an early age, he became highly accomplished in literary pursuits. At only seventeen, in a grave moment of crisis, he had to choose the difficult path of earning a livelihood. Working as a clerk in an office or serving under someone was contrary to his nature. Therefore, he regarded his writing ability as his sole means of support.

In 1918, Maududi’s elder brother, Syed Abul Khair Maududi, entered the field of journalism. He personally assumed responsibility for editing the newspaper Madina, published from Bijnor. Syed Abul A‘la Maududi also began managing Madina together with his elder brother. But after two months, the younger Maududi left for Delhi. At that time, a powerful storm of the independence movement was raging in India. The influence of freedom of thought and mind, hereditary tradition and his childhood environment naturally made Abul A‘la Maududi averse to British rule and civilization. Consequently, he supported every movement for independence. In addition, he possessed a powerful spirit of struggle for Islam. For these reasons, he began working as an activist of the Anjuman-e-I’anat-e-Nazrbandan-e-Islam of that time. When the Khilafat and Satyagraha movements began in 1919, he took part in them as well.

The Khilafat Movement and Maulana Maududi

The Khilafat Movement was not only a significant chapter in Maulana Maududi’s life; it was also a landmark in the national history of the Muslims. Even if briefly, it is necessary to discuss it so that Maulana’s life story may be properly understood against its background.

During the First World War, Turkey, the “sick man of Europe,” fought on Germany’s side against the British. Until then, the Ottoman Empire in Turkey had been regarded as the custodian of the Caliphate. With the aim of dealing a decisive blow to the British adversary and shattering Muslim unity, the British sent Lawrence of Arabia to the Arab lands as a propagandist of Arab nationalism. The Sharif of Mecca at that time, Hussein Hashemite, became so influenced by this propaganda that in 1915 he took up arms against the Muslims in the name of Arab national independence and stabbed Turkey in the back. In the First World War, the British and the Allied Forces emerged victorious. At the very beginning of the war, they had secretly agreed to divide the Ottoman Empire among themselves. After the war ended in 1919, the Turkish Empire was torn to pieces. Its European territories slipped from its hands. As a result of the poison of Arab nationalism, the Arab countries became separated from the Turkish Empire, but they were distributed among England, France and Greece. The Ottoman Empire was confined to ancient Anatolia (Istanbul). In May 1919, only a nominal sultan remained in the Ottoman capital. His independence there was also imperiled. The Muslim leaders of British India had instilled in Muslims the belief that the Khalifat-ul-Muslimeen and the institution of the Caliphate were integral parts of their true faith. Thereafter, witnessing the fall and dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire, Indian Muslims became apprehensive that the British might destroy the very center of the Caliphate—which Muslims regarded as their religious and spiritual center.

Thereafter, Muslim leaders met the Viceroy in India itself and expressed their views. A delegation led by such leaders as Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar and Maulana Syed Sulaiman Nadvi met the British authorities in London and presented their position. In response, they were told that no territories other than the land of Turkey proper could be given to them.

The Muslims of India became extremely enraged by the British conduct, and a powerful Khilafat Movement began in India to preserve the existence of the Caliphate. A Khilafat Committee was formed, and the Indian Congress, the Jamiat-ul-Ulama-e-Hind and the Khilafat Committee jointly conducted the movement. On 10 August, Khilafat Day was observed throughout the country, and strikes began to be observed in various places from that time. In short, a tremendous explosion against the British began throughout India. Within a month, nearly thirty thousand Muslims presented themselves for imprisonment. In cities and ports, markets and bazaars, villages and rural areas, the Khilafat Movement assumed a powerful form. But this great movement and the anti-British protests and upheaval all ended in failure.

The reason was that Kemal Ataturk took advantage of the jihadist inspiration of Turkey’s Muslims and conducted the war with extraordinary courage and wisdom, recovering many territories from the British. He united the people of Turkey and succeeded in restoring their lost honor and glory. After seizing power in this way, Kemal Ataturk deposed Sultan Muhammad Hashem of the Ottoman Caliphate in November 1922 and, in March 1924, expelled the last sultan, Abdul Majid, from the country and abolished the Caliphate.

Dr. Moinuddin remarks in his History and Freedom Movement, Part VIII, Volume 1:

This step by Kemal Ataturk dealt a severe blow to the Indian Muslims associated with the Khilafat Movement. Maulana Muhammad Ali, who was the very soul of the Khilafat Movement, suffered the greatest shock. Sharif Hussein, who had acted as a puppet in the hands of the British and whose treachery had devastated the Turkish Empire, declared himself a claimant to the Caliphate. But he had already become an object of hatred in the Muslim world, and the British government also rejected his claim. On the other hand, he failed to repel the attacks of the revolutionary Wahhabi leader Ibn Saud. Toward the end of the year, Ibn Saud captured Mecca and Taif, and most of the Hijaz came under his control.

Those who were connected with the Khilafat Movement sympathized with Ibn Saud. But when he demolished and completely destroyed all kinds of monuments built over graves in order to eradicate grave worship, adherents of the Badauni, Barelvi and other schools left the Khilafat Committee. Nevertheless, on 4 January the Indian Khilafat Committee sent Ibn Saud a telegram congratulating him as the Khalifat-ul-Muslimeen. Only four days later, however, he replied that he was the king of the Hijaz, not the caliph.

—History of Freedom Movement—Dr. Moinuddin

Meanwhile, Kemal Ataturk built a palace of a new religion on the ruins of the Ottoman Caliphate.

Baba-e-Urdu, Maulvi Abdul Haq, says:

Kamal Pasha went so far as to declare food and drink, dress, manners, dancing, singing, drinking alcohol, and various other anti-Islamic cultures imitated from the West to be national symbols of Turkey. He even abolished religious education from Islamic educational institutions. He replaced the ancient alphabet of the Turkish language with the Roman alphabet. A Turkish delegation arrived in Delhi. They repeatedly took pride in introducing themselves as a European nation. The Muslims of Delhi invited them to offer the Friday prayer at the Delhi Jama Masjid. But they rejected the invitation. The invitation from Aligarh Muslim University was also rejected. Yet, although they had no prior programme, they gladly visited Banaras Hindu University.

Sir Syed Ahmad—Maulvi Abdul Haq (p. 34)

Although the Khilafat Movement ended in failure, it left a tremendous impact on the history of India and generated an irresistible inspiration for India’s independence movement. Its impact on Maulana Maududi was that it gave him the inspiration, courage, and strength to speak at public meetings, and also provided him with the opportunity to express, through his writing, the hopes and aspirations of the Muslim ummah and its future course of action. During the Khilafat Movement, Maulana was working as editor of the newspaper Taj from Jabalpur. He was then only seventeen years old. In his autobiography, he says:

“At that time there was no one here to say anything at public meetings on behalf of the Muslims. I was compelled to undertake this task myself. This brought me two great benefits. The first was that tremendous self-confidence arose within me, which I had not possessed before. Previously, I did not have the courage to undertake any responsible task. But when, in Jabalpur, I began journalism and public service entirely alone, without anyone’s help and entirely on my own responsibility, I felt that some power was hidden within me which revealed itself spontaneously when needed. From then on, I never hesitated to accept any responsibility.

The second benefit was that I became completely self-reliant in my life. Previously, I had lived with one relative or friend or another, and although only to a small extent, I had possessed the weakness of depending on others. But in Jabalpur I was able to work independently.”

Reading the editorials written by Maulana in the Jabalpur newspaper Taj at that time, one must acknowledge that, at such a young age, he had become so knowledgeable that he also possessed the linguistic skill to inspire and generate an irresistible enthusiasm among the people. Every word of his was highly logical, acceptable to the learned community, and extremely farsighted. His statements, before and after, displayed complete balance and harmony. At that time, the British had committed extreme injustice against Turkey, and he wrote a lengthy editorial sharply criticizing the British for it. As a result, publication of Taj was suspended.

The Hijrah Movement and Maulana Maududi

Observing the Britishers’ inflexible attitude during the Khilafat Movement, the ulama of India declared that India was Dar al-Harb and that it was a religious duty for Muslims to perform Hijrah from it. In 1920, after Maulana Abul Kalam Azad was released from Ranchi Jail, he launched the Hijrah Movement.

At that time, the King of Afghanistan, Amir Amanullah Khan, said at a public meeting that Indian Muslims could perform Hijrah and go to Afghanistan. At Maulana Azad’s words, Muslims became blindly eager to perform Hijrah. A Hijrah Committee was formed, and its office was properly established in Delhi. Thousands of devout Muslim families sold their movable and immovable property at nominal prices and began arriving at the Hijrah Committee office. In August alone, eighteen thousand people performed Hijrah and crossed the Afghan border. Nearly five hundred thousand Muslims lost their highly valuable possessions in the name of Hijrah.

The Maududi brothers—Abul A‘la Maududi and his elder brother Abul Khair Maududi—appeared at the Delhi office of the Hijrah Committee with the intention of performing Hijrah. A familiar friend of the Maulana, Mr. Tozzammel Hossain, was its secretary. The Maulana had a lengthy discussion with him. During the discussion, the Maulana learned that there was no well-considered and sound plan or scheme behind the Hijrah. Hundreds of thousands of people were leaving for Afghanistan, yet no discussion whatsoever had taken place with the Afghan government on the matter. Mufti Kifayatullah, Maulana Ahmad Saeed, and other leaders of the Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind were extremely enthusiastic about Hijrah. Maulana Maududi, then a young Maududi, met with them and said that without a sound plan, Hijrah would be impractical and harmful. They acknowledged the flaw and requested young Maududi to present a plan on the matter.

Maulana Maududi proposed that they should first consult the Afghan government to learn whether it wished to resettle those performing Hijrah from India and, if so, what its method and programme would be. Subsequently, when they met the Afghan ambassador in Delhi, they learned that the Afghan authorities were already troubled by the matter. Although the government was reluctant to send back those who had left India, bearing their expenses had become beyond its capacity. Thus, the Hijrah plan met an untimely death.

Without any sound plan, the ulama of that time, driven solely by religious emotion, issued a fatwa for Hijrah and reduced several hundred thousand Muslims to destitution and homelessness. Through Maulana Maududi’s foresight and timely intervention, several hundred thousand more Muslims were saved from danger.

The extraordinary talent, sharp intellect, and foresight of young Maududi astonished and attracted Maulana Muhammad Ali and the leaders of the Jamiat. Consequently, they repeatedly requested young Maududi to take charge of editing their respective newspapers.

Maududi in the Field of Journalism

A noble man of the Central Provinces named Tajuddin was the very spirit of the Anjuman mentioned above. He published a weekly newspaper called Taj from Jabalpur, and at his earnest request the Maududi brothers took charge of editing the paper. In those days, publishing a newspaper was extremely difficult. Consequently, after some time, publication of Taj ceased. The Maududi brothers then moved from Jabalpur to Delhi. By this time Maulana Maududi had become so attracted to journalism that he was compelled to learn English. He then began learning English from a certain Muhammad Fazel. Without reading elementary English books, he immediately began studying books at the matriculation level of that time. Through his extraordinary intellectual ability, within only six months he acquired enough knowledge of English to understand the general meaning of any English newspaper or book he read. He studied the English language for two years. Without a teacher’s assistance, he studied various books with the help only of a dictionary and continued to acquire extensive knowledge.

Mr. Tajuddin once again published Taj from Jabalpur and entrusted its editorship to the Maulana. Through Maulana’s efforts, Taj was transformed from a weekly newspaper into a distinguished daily. From this time onward, he became involved in politics. At that time, there was no one in Jabalpur to lead the Muslims. Therefore, the Maulana had to deliver speeches at various public meetings and create vitality among the Muslims.

During his stay in Jabalpur, qualities such as self-reliance, devotion to duty, and a sense of responsibility developed in the Maulana. At that time, relying entirely on himself, he was able to undertake highly important work. But it was not possible for him to remain in Jabalpur much longer either. An editorial in Taj ignited the wrath of the imperialist British government. The government filed a case against the editor, printer, and publisher of Taj. However, because Mr. Tajuddin himself was listed in the declaration as the successive editor, printer, and publisher of the paper, the Maulana was released from the case. Yet his conscience continued to prick him over this. He vowed that from then on he would not undertake any responsible work under another person. He firmly resolved to work while carrying all major responsibilities on his own shoulders.

Toward the end of 1920, he went to Delhi. At the beginning of 1921, he became acquainted with Maulana Mufti Kifayatullah and Maulana Ahmad Saeed, president of the Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind. On behalf of the Jamiat, they published a newspaper called Muslim and, impressed by Maulana Maududi’s talent, appointed him its editor. The paper continued successfully until 1923, and the Maulana edited it to the end.

From 1916 to 1921, for five or six years, the Maulana had to pass through a tremendous ordeal. Because of his father’s incurable illness, the harsh pressure of earning a livelihood, lack of support, and other circumstances, the Maulana did not have the opportunity to acquire adequate knowledge. From 1921 onward, in Delhi, he devoted himself with a settled mind to managing newspapers and acquiring knowledge in his spare time. He studied Arabic literature, Hadith, Tafsir, Fiqh, Mantiq (logic), philosophy, and other subjects under ulama proficient in various fields, thereby attaining profound scholarship.

Maulana Abdus Sattar Niazi was one of the foremost religious scholars of India at that time. His profound knowledge and erudition in the Qur’an, Hadith, and Arabic had spread in every direction, and in practice and character he was a complete dervish. Every day, one hour before the Fajr prayer, Sayyid Maududi studied Arabic grammar (nahw and sarf), the rational sciences, ma‘ani, and balaghah with him.

Thereafter, on January 12, 1926, at the age of twenty-two, Sayyid Maududi obtained certificates in the sciences of ‘ulum-e aqliyyah, adabiyyah and balaghah, and ‘ulum-e asliyah and furu‘iyyah from Maulana Muhammad Sharifullah Khan, a teacher at the Darul Uloom Fatehpuri in Delhi.

The following year, 1927, Sayyid Abul A‘la obtained certificates in Hadith, Fiqh, and Arabic literature from Maulana Ashfaqu ur-Rahman Kandhalvi, a teacher at that Darul Uloom.

Moreover, in 1928, Sayyid Abul A‘la Maududi obtained from Maulana Ashfaqu ur-Rahman Kandhalvi a certificate of completion in Jami‘ al-Tirmidhi and the Muwatta of Imam Malik.

It should be mentioned that Maulana Maududi also studied Tafsir al-Baydawi, Hidayah, ‘ilm al-ma‘ani, and balaghah with Maulana Sharifullah Khan.

Thus, during his seven or eight years in Delhi, alongside journalism, through his extraordinary intellectual ability and wisdom, Maulana Maududi completed the unfinished education of his student life and attained profound scholarship in Arabic, Hadith, Tafsir, Fiqh, and other fields.

After Muslim ceased publication in 1923, Maulana Maududi set out for Hyderabad. But en route he broke his journey at Bhopal and devoted himself to study there for a year and a half. In 1924, he returned to Delhi. At that time, he became acquainted with the late Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar, the great leader of undivided India. Maulana Muhammad Ali was then managing the newspaper Hamdard. He requested the young and rising journalist, Maulana Maududi, to take charge of the paper. At precisely this time, Maulana Ahmad Saeed invited Maulana Maududi, on behalf of the Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind, to publish the newspaper Al-Jamiat. Despite his deep respect for Maulana Muhammad Ali, Maududi’s independent mind prevented him from accepting subordination to another. Therefore, he considered it appropriate to take charge of editing Al-Jamiat entirely independently. From 1924 to 1928, he managed the semi-weekly Al-Jamiat with complete efficiency. During this period, he also authored valuable books on various subjects. His first publications, Al-Jihadu fi al-Islam and Dawlat-e Asfiyah wa Hukumat-e Bartania, are particularly noteworthy.

Al-Jihadu fi al-Islam

There is a historical background to Maulana Maududi’s composition of his book Al-Jihadu fi al-Islam.

In the latter part of 1926, Swami Shraddhanand, initiator and leader of the Shuddhi Movement, was killed by a Muslim assassin. As a result, Hindu India became extremely agitated. A broad campaign against Muslims and Islam was launched by the Hindus. They propagated that Islam incited its followers to murder. Even Mr. Gandhi remarked in a statement that in the past Islam had been propagated by the sword and that it was still being propagated in the same way. Their propaganda against Islam filled the air of India, and Hindu-Muslim riots and disturbances began in various places abroad. While trying to stop all this baseless and provocative propaganda, Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar expressed profound sorrow and said, “Alas! If only there were today in India some true mujahid, a servant of Allah, who could give a crushing reply to their vile propaganda—how wonderful that would be!”

The young mujahid Maulana Maududi was present at that gathering in the Jama Masjid. As mentioned earlier, he was editor of Al-Jamiat at that time. The inspiration of jihad coursed through his mind, heart, and every vein. He became firmly resolved to answer Hindu India and the other enemies of Islam. Thereafter, beginning in early 1927, he started publishing a series of articles entitled “Al-Jihadu fi al-Islam” through his newspaper. Later, they were published in the form of a substantial book.

Dr. Iqbal made the following comment about the book:

“This book, containing Islamic laws concerning jihad, war, and peace, is original and excellent. I request every learned and discerning person to read it.”

The book written by the Maulana’s own hand also had a considerable influence on his own character. He commented on this as follows:

“I myself benefited most of all from this book. When I was writing it, the emotion and enthusiasm of national honor were stronger in my heart than the sense of religious honor. But while composing the book and researching the relevant facts, I had the opportunity to study carefully and in detail Islam’s fundamental outlook and its commands and prohibitions. The result was not only that a complete understanding of the laws of the Shariah and full conviction of their truth arose in my mind; an irresistible inspiration also arose within me to re-establish Allah’s system of governance. Moreover, I came to know the method of struggle in this regard. I then resolved to abandon the prevailing methods of journalism. For this reason, I severed my connection with Al-Jamiat. I resolved that if I ever entered the world of journalism again, I would do so only on the condition that I use it solely as an instrument for propagating the true religion. Thereafter, I spent five long years solely in study and the pursuit of knowledge.”

Before 1928, Maulana Maududi had begun learning German. But after studying for a few months, his teacher moved elsewhere from Delhi, and his hope remained unfulfilled.

During this period, fundamental differences of opinion arose between the authorities of Al-Jamiat and the Maulana regarding the Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind. The Jamiat Ulama had become blind supporters of the Indian Congress. At a time when nationally renowned leaders such as Maulana Muhammad Ali had abandoned the Congress because of its obstinacy, double standards, and anti-Islamic attitude, it was highly unbecoming of the dignity of the Jamiat Ulama to remain a lackey of that Congress. For this reason, in 1928 he permanently relinquished responsibility for editing that newspaper.

The Maulana’s Independent Life

After giving up journalism, Maulana Sayyid Abul A‘la Maududi resolved to devote himself to compiling and writing books. But since the valuable books necessary for collecting information on the subjects about which he wished to write were scarce in Delhi, he had to return to Hyderabad. He remained there until August 1928. During this period, he composed Tarikh-e al-Saljuq (History of the Seljuks), translated the section entitled ‘The Fatimid Caliphs in Egypt’ from Ibn Khaldun’s history, and, in August, fell ill and went to Delhi.

It took several months for him to recover fully. He then stayed in Bhopal for several months and collected the necessary information for his long-desired work, “The History of the Deccan.” In July 1931, he went to Hyderabad again and devoted himself to composing the aforementioned book.

It may be mentioned in this connection that his elder brother, Sayyid Abul Khair Maududi, had already been in Hyderabad. He was a member of the “Usmania Darul-Uloom.” Maulana Maududi lived with his brother in Hyderabad for several years.

In 1932, on behalf of the Darut-Tarjuma (Department of Translation) of Osmania University, Maulana Maududi translated the Arabic work entitled “Al-Asfar al-Arba‘ah” by Allamah Sadruddin Shirazi. It is an extremely complex work of philosophy in the Arabic language.

The full title of the Arabic work was “Al-Hikmat al-Muta‘aliyah fi al-Asfar al-‘Aqliyyah.” However, among Arabic linguists it was known simply as “Asfar al-Arba‘ah.” Eminent scholars of Arabic commented that the book was so complex and difficult that, quite apart from translating it, there were no more than five or ten people in all of India at that time who could even read it correctly.

In any event, the Translation Department paid the Maulana a substantial fee for producing a successful and satisfactory translation of the book.

The considerable money earned from this translation helped develop the Maulana’s talent. Upon receiving the money, the Maulana used it to purchase all the volumes of the Encyclopaedia Britannica. Not only that, he set aside a substantial portion of it for his later publication, Tarjuman al-Qur’an, and used the remainder to purchase valuable books on Hadith, Tafsir, Fiqh, and other subjects.

The Maulana’s Life of Struggle

A new chapter in Maulana Maududi’s life began in 1932. No knowledgeable and sound-minded person can deny that the Maulana devoted his entire life to showing confused and misguided humanity in the modern, collapsing world a scientifically sound, straightforward, and proper path. Indeed, his lifelong endeavor made a blessed beginning toward a vigorous Islamic movement in a world scorched by sin and suffering, and toward a moral and spiritual revolution in human society.

In 1932, from Hyderabad in the Deccan, the Maulana began publishing a monthly magazine called Tarjuman al-Qur’an. From then on, he began living separately. He continued publishing the magazine from a two-storey house near Muazzam Shahi Market, with one employee. He was still unmarried at that time.

Publishing a magazine is no simple matter. It requires financial stability. But, truthfully, he had no financial means at all. He had neither support nor property, neither a paternal home nor any regular monthly income. He had many discussions about this with his elder brother. Hearing of his resolve to publish a monthly magazine amid such financial hardship, his elder brother became distressed. Eventually, he secured for the Maulana a high-grade professorship at Osmania University and advised him to avoid the audacity and risk of publishing a magazine. The elder brother continued trying for six hours to persuade his younger brother on this matter. Even then, the Maulana appealed to his elder brother in a calm, serious voice:

“No more time can be wasted. I firmly believe that if there is sincerity in my words, then my inspiration will not prove futile.”

He further said, “The situation has become extremely grave. I can see that the flood is not far away. This flood will be more severe and destructive than the flood of English rule in 1857. I consider it my duty to warn the Muslims of this danger. I will try to render them some service or other to the best of my ability.”

Seeing his younger brother’s irrefutable arguments and unshakable courage, the elder brother withdrew his objections. Resisting the temptation of a lucrative, well-paid position at Osmania University, Maulana Maududi devoted himself to serving the nation through the magazine. Through his pen, he initiated a revolutionary movement.

It is, of course, undeniable that to conduct any movement based on an ideal according to scientific principles, three things are essential.

First, one must acquire complete knowledge and firm conviction regarding the subject of the movement, as well as master a scientifically sound course of action for conducting it.

Second, the ideal to be propagated must serve, on the one hand, as the basis for forming one’s own character and, on the other, be propagated throughout human society.

Third, a Jamaat or group must be formed from a number of people whose character is fully shaped by that ideal, and they must engage in a life-and-death struggle to realize it.

This is the only scientifically sound and proper method of making any movement successful. We also find Maulana Maududi’s life divided into these three stages.

First, the long period from his childhood until before 1932 was spent acquiring knowledge of Islam, the Islamic movement, the Qur’an and Hadith, fiqh, jihad, war and peace, and the internal, foreign and international policies of the Islamic state, among other matters. In addition, he became acquainted with the knowledge and sciences of the modern world.

Thereafter, the second phase of his life began in 1932. At that time, through the monthly journal Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an, he presented the Islamic ideal to human society.

In the third phase, that is, in 1941, an Islamic Jamaat or party was formed by a group of principled and upright people. Until 1971, this party conducted a continuous Islamic movement throughout India and Pakistan, and after 1971, in the remaining part of Pakistan and in Bangladesh, according to a distinctive programme of action. This very party was known as the Jamaat-e-Islami. After martial law was imposed in Pakistan on 7 October 1958, it too was banned, like the other parties. The Jamaat resumed its activities in 1962.

In any case, the monthly Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an, founded and published in 1932, has continued regularly and efficiently to this day. No one is unaware of the lofty call he extended to the country and the nation through this journal, or of the fact that through the Jamaat-e-Islami, founded in 1941, he produced a number of genuine soldiers of Islam, steadfast and immovable as mountains.

The Maulana’s quest for truth and revolutionary thought were proclaiming a revolution—a wholly Islamic, social, economic, political, psychological and spiritual revolution. He fully understood that the path he had chosen was thorny, perilous and lonely. Yet the call of truth had driven him to distraction. On the one hand, the irreligious capitalist civilization of the West was crushing human society; and, in reaction to it, the illusion and mirage of communism or socialism was depriving human beings of their basic rights and confining them in an animal pen. The Muslim nation, deprived of Islamic education, was drifting upon a flood of mental confusion. It was precisely at this critical juncture that Maulana Maududi lit the torch of the Noble Qur’an and the Sunnah of the Messenger and called people toward the path of truth. He knew clearly that this path was not strewn with roses; rather, it was extremely difficult and fraught with danger. Nevertheless, he hastened along it with a fearless heart. At first, friends mocked him as a madman. Relatives withdrew, heaving sighs of despair. Fellow travelers halted midway. But his journey did not stop. His pace did not slacken, nor did his heart and mind lose courage.

Jihad in the Way of Allah

Through his first publication, the book Al-Jihad fi’l-Islam, the Maulana began jihad in the way of Allah. This was jihad by means of the pen. This was jihad by means of the pen.

It is not possible to discuss the subject matter of this book here. Although it was composed during his early life, the profound scholarship he displayed concerning its important subject matter can be readily appreciated from the introduction alone. His fear of Allah, love of Allah, and indomitable inspiration to establish Islam’s victory, glory and ascendancy are embodied on every page of this book. For the information of readers, I quote the introduction he recorded in the first edition of the book:

“Among the many false and baseless accusations that Europe has levelled against Islam in the modern age for political reasons, the most serious is that Islam is a bloodthirsty religion and initiates its followers into a cult of bloodshed. If any truth lay at the root of these accusations, they would quite naturally have been made at precisely the time when the world trembled before the Muslims’ conquests. Indeed, it would have been at that time that the suspicion could have arisen that those campaigns of conquest were the outcome of bloodthirsty religious teachings. But, strangely enough, this accusation was raised long after the sun of Islam’s glory had set. The soul of this self-invented image of accusation was breathed into it at a time when Islam’s sword had grown blunt. In contrast, at that very time Europe’s naked sword was being drenched in the fresh blood of innocent human beings. Just as a gigantic python bites and swallows tiny creatures, Europe at that time was gulping down the weaker nations one after another. If even a spark of sound judgment had arisen in anyone in the world in those days, the question would certainly have been raised: those who themselves are causing rivers of blood to flow across the earth with the fresh blood of the weak and are practising brigandage against other nations—have they any right to accuse Islam? Rather, they themselves were guilty of that very crime. Was such a sinister motive not hidden behind all their historical research and learned debates: to divert toward Islam the powerful flood of hatred and anger that was about to flow toward them? But it is a natural weakness of human beings that when they are defeated on the battlefield, they are also defeated in the realm of learning. The blow of the pen of the one whose sword has defeated them is likewise unbearable to them. That is why, in every age, those ideas and doctrines gain influence in the world that emerge under the protection of the sword. In this matter, Europe succeeded in throwing dust into the eyes of the world. Consequently, nations possessed of a servile mentality accepted, without judgment or reflection, the erroneous view advanced about Islamic jihad as an immutable truth like heavenly revelation.”

During the past century and even in the present age, Muslims have repeatedly answered the foregoing accusations. So much has been written on the subject that it is now regarded as more or less superfluous and discarded. Yet the defect I have noticed in these replies is that the defenders of Islam seem overwhelmed by their opponents, standing in the dock like accused persons and ready to offer a defence like criminals. Some gentlemen have gone so far as to alter and revise Islamic teachings and politics in order to strengthen their case. Moreover, frightened and terrified by their opponents, they have tried to remove from Islamic history whatever subjects they themselves regard as harmful, so that these might escape the notice of their adversaries. Those in whom these defects are not found also give incomplete answers, because they do not fully illuminate the Islamic teachings concerning jihad and Islamic warfare. They seem intent on concealing these matters, thereby leaving room for doubt about them.

To remove this confusion, it is necessary to analyse, in the light of the Qur’an, Sunnah and the science of fiqh, the Islamic teachings and laws concerning jihad and warfare in the way of Allah for the purpose of exalting Allah’s religion and word. Not the slightest alteration or addition may be made to any of these laws. No attempt may be made to change Islam’s fundamental objectives and teachings. I fundamentally disagree with the idea that one must recast and present one’s beliefs according to another’s viewpoint. There is no problem in the world about which everyone will agree from the same perspective. Every group has its own distinct viewpoint and regards it as infallible. No matter how much we embellish and present our fundamental beliefs for the sake of another’s viewpoint, it is never possible that people of different ideologies will agree with them. Therefore, the better course is for us to present the true picture of our beliefs and doctrines, problems, teachings and politics, and to acquaint the world with our viewpoint in the best possible manner. Thereafter, we should leave the matter to their own understanding and conscience. If they accept it, so much the better. If they do not, we have no concern either. This is the only sound method of calling people to and propagating the truth. The honoured prophets and the great men firmly devoted to truth have followed this very path.

I had felt the need for this for a long time. Yet despite having this awareness, I could not take any step in the matter. The sole reason was lack of time. For it is universally known that, in a journalist’s lot, time and leisure are rare indeed. But toward the end of December 1926, an event occurred that compelled me to take effective action despite many difficulties. The event was the killing of Swami Shraddhanand, the leader of the Shuddhi movement. Taking advantage of this, foolish and narrow-minded people began spreading confusion about Islamic jihad. Unfortunately, a Muslim was accused of the murder, and the newspapers launched a campaign claiming that he had killed Swami Shraddhanand simply because he regarded him as a religious enemy. It was further propagated that he believed this deed would earn him Paradise. The true secret is known only to the Knower of the unseen. However, this distorted account of the event was presented to the public. For this reason, it caused widespread agitation among the enemies of Islam. Thereafter, despite the declarations of the ulama, the publication of Islamic pamphlets and the unanimous statements of the intellectuals of society, they did not confine the event to its natural limits; rather, they held the entire Muslim nation and Islamic teachings responsible for the murder. They also fabricated against the Holy Qur’an the accusation that it makes Muslims such religious fanatics that they regard the killing of every unbeliever as a binding duty and hope thereby to enter Paradise. Some outspoken individuals went so far as to remark that peace would not be established as long as the teachings of the Qur’an remained in force. Therefore, humanity must strive to abolish them. These erroneous doctrines were propagated so extensively that even people of sound mind became bewildered. Even Gandhi, the foremost discerning figure of the Hindu community, influenced by this propaganda, went so far as to comment:

“Islam was born in an environment in which all decisions were made by the sword, and they are still being made in that way.”

Although this propaganda was not the product of any search for truth or philosophical discussion, and its promoters were merely parroting precisely what their teachers had taught them from time immemorial, an extraordinary event lent such colour to these blind beliefs that the ignorant could easily be deceived by them. In fact, such misconceptions have always obstructed the propagation of Islam. It is precisely in such circumstances that Islam’s true teachings must be made more radiant, so that when the cloud cover disappears, the sun’s rays may rise in their full brilliance. For this reason, I began to spend whatever little leisure I had after running the newspaper writing articles on this subject. At the same time, they began to be published through the journal Al-Jamiat.

At first, I had intended to write only a brief article on this subject. But once the discussion began, it became necessary to illuminate various aspects of the subject in the course of the argument, and the newspaper column proved wholly inadequate for it. Therefore, after twenty-three or twenty-four instalments had been published, I was compelled to stop publishing it in the newspaper. I am now publishing the subject in full in book form. Although various aspects of different subjects have been discussed in this book, lack of time compelled me to leave many matters unfinished. Subjects that deserved a separate chapter each have been concluded in a few brief lines. In composing this book, I took particular care not to insert anywhere my own or anyone else’s personal opinions. Rather, I recorded all the fundamental details in the light of the Holy Qur’an. Wherever I felt detailed explanation was necessary, I sought the help of books of Hadith, reliable works of fiqh and reliable, sound tafsirs. From this, every reader should understand that no new matter has been invented in this book merely to keep pace with the modern world. Rather, everything stated here has been stated entirely on the basis of the words of Allah, His beloved Messenger and the honoured prophets.

My appeal to those non-Muslims who do not harbour blind hostility toward Islam out of sheer animosity is that they should try, through this book, to learn the genuine Islamic teachings concerning war. Thereafter, if they have anything to say against it, let them say so. If anyone still has any doubt, I shall try to remove it.

Delhi

15 June 1972. Abul A‘la.

The Subject Matter of This Book

The first five chapters of this large book discuss in detail the status of Islamic jihad, defensive warfare, the propagation of Islam and the sword, and Islamic laws concerning war and peace. The sixth chapter discusses the war policies of Hinduism, Buddhism, Judaism and Christianity. The seventh chapter deals with war and peace conducted under present-day civilization.

It may be said without hesitation that no author in any language in the world has written a book on this subject so rich in information, reasoned and authoritative. Allah Most High granted this honour and fame to Maulana Sayyid Abul A‘la Maududi.

Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an

It has been stated above that Maulana Maududi himself benefited most from the book Al-Jihad fi’l-Islam. Inspired by it, after five or six years of intensive study and learning, he began an unceasing struggle in 1932 by publishing the monthly journal Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an from Hyderabad in the Deccan. The signature of the revolutionary call he issued to awaken a dormant nation and guide it toward the path of truth, while himself enduring financial hardship and solitude, can be found on every page of Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an.

The Publication of Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an

On 31 July 1931, Maulana Maududi returned to Hyderabad from Delhi. In the city of Hyderabad, a pious Muslim gentleman, Abu Muhammad Musleh, had been publishing a monthly journal called Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an for some time. His purpose was to deliver the Holy Qur’an’s sacred message to every home. Impressed by Maulana Maududi’s wisdom, talent, commendable ability in journalism and, above all, his extraordinary Islamic knowledge, he entrusted him with the editorship of Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an. Believing that he would be able to use the journal fully for the work of Islamic da‘wah and movement, the Maulana accepted this responsibility. From then on, the following words began to be printed every month on the back page of the journal:

“There is only one journal of this kind in the whole of India. Its sole purpose is to raise high the word of Allah and to issue the call to jihad fi sabilillah. Its principal aim and subject matter is to review and critique, from the Qur’an’s perspective, the schools of thought, doctrines and principles of civilization and culture being spread throughout the world; and to explain and analyse philosophy, science, politics, economics, culture and social life—in short, every subject—in the light of the principles presented by the Qur’an and Sunnah. This journal is calling the Muslim ummah to a new life. The essence of its call is: ‘Make your mind and heart Muslim. Abandon the customs and methods of jahiliyyah and walk upon Islam’s Sirat al-Mustaqim. Set out with the Qur’an in your hand and live upon the earth as a victor.’”

It should be noted that the Maulana had been editing Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an, which belonged to Abu Muhammad Musleh. At the very beginning of 1932, he purchased ownership of it and devoted himself independently to serving the faith and the Muslim community.

In 1932, on the third page of the first issue of Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an under his editorship, he said: “Islam must be presented in its true light, the light in which the Wise Qur’an has presented it.”

On the fifth page he said: “Everyone, Muslims and non-Muslims alike, must be helped to understand the Qur’an—and the doubts and misgivings that arise in the minds of those who study the Qur’an must be removed.”

On page 150 of the journal, he was perhaps the first to present the Islamic conception of life in this way—

“In Islam’s view, the world is neither something so despicable and contemptible that it should be abandoned, nor something toward which a person should become infatuated and dissolve himself in its pleasures. It is neither absolute peace nor absolute evil and disorder. It is neither right to keep away from it nor right to become wholly immersed in it. It is neither entirely impure and defiled nor entirely pure and clean. Moreover, a person’s relationship with this world should be neither like that of a king with his kingdom, nor like that of a prisoner who bows his head before his prison. He is not so victorious and mighty that everything should bow before him. Nor is he so helpless that his will counts for nothing, nor so powerful that his will and desire are everything. He is neither the absolute ruler of creation nor the helpless slave of countless lords. The real truth is a middle state between these two extremes.”

When his journal entered its second year, he remarked in an editorial—

“Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an, under my editorship, is completing its first year and entering its second. I consider it my solemn duty to offer thanks to Allah Most High for granting me the strength during this year to serve His religion and the priceless Book, the Holy Qur’an, and for keeping me firm and steadfast in this work despite passing through extremely discouraging circumstances. Of course, compared with His grace and gifts, this gratitude of mine is insignificant. Considering the circumstances in which I assumed responsibility for editing this journal and the dangers I subsequently had to face, if I had relied on worldly means and resources and on my own strength and ability instead of placing my trust solely in Allah, I would certainly have become despondent. But thanks be to Allah, I had not the slightest reliance on anything worldly; I relied solely on Allah’s grace. Allah’s promise is true to the letter: whoever strives in His path with patience and sincerity is certain to succeed, and sorrow and hardship cannot touch him.” (Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an, Muharram 1353 AH).

Even when facing immense danger and financial hardship, Maulana Maududi neither sought help from people nor submitted to them. This was evidence of his profound relationship with his Lord. The religious department of the Nizam’s state of Hyderabad used to purchase several hundred copies of Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an every year. Once, this was stopped. Nawab Zul Qadr Jang Bahadur was an official of that department. He expressed his willingness to arrange for the purchase of a larger number of copies again if the Maulana personally came to him to make requests and flatter him. Hearing this, the Maulana said, “Even if I remain alive until the Day of Resurrection, I will never go to him. For this is not my personal work; it is the work of the faith.”

As a natural consequence, the Maulana had to face a tremendous financial loss.

When the journal entered its third year, the Maulana wrote the following editorial—

“This month marks the beginning of the third year of Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an. The first year passed amid hardship. In the second year, some ease became visible through Allah’s grace. In the third year, signs of trouble and hardship are again appearing. But whatever happens, we must rely solely on Allah in times of ease and hardship, for He alone is reliable and worthy of trust. He has firmly declared that surely ease will come after hardship, and that it is inevitable. Therefore, our firm belief is that if, even in adversity, we remain steadfast in serving the faith and rely upon Allah, considering Him alone our helper and fulfiller of our wishes, then His gracious favour will appear before us in the form of happiness. We know that all dangers, humiliation, sorrow and poverty occur only as tests for us.”

In that editorial he further said,

“The condition of the present Muslim nation is like that of a barren tract of land, where inferior vegetation grows abundantly, but excellent trees cannot grow. Before our eyes, many seeds of goodness and welfare have vanished beneath the soil. Elsewhere, although seeds sprouted, they perished without being able to spread their roots. … But in my opinion, no Muslim man can sit discouraged merely because he sees the barrenness of the land, the unfavourable weather of the season and the scarcity of water. From the earliest times, this has been nature’s law: barren land must be ploughed, and its hardness must be confronted. It must be moistened with one’s sweat, and, if necessary, with drops of blood, and seeds must be sown without worrying about the result. If, through his efforts, the barren land becomes green and fertile, then there is nothing more to say. But if he spends his entire life in fruitless toil on that unproductive land and eventually dies one day, even then this is not truly his defeat. Is it not a considerable success that he remained steadfast until the final moment of his life in the task he regarded as obligatory (fard), and that no failure could turn him away from his duty?” (Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an, Muharram 1354 AH).

Love and affection for Allah, a deep and intimate relationship with Him, reliance upon Him alone and self-effacement in Him—these are the provisions of those wayfarers who wish to travel in the way of Allah. We find all these qualities in Maulana Maududi’s character as well. The foregoing editorial and his direct actions therefore prove this beyond doubt.

When Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an entered its fourth year, he remarked in its editorial column—

“Is it not a great favor from God that He has employed an insignificant person like me for the great service of the faith? If a person had been appointed to this task on the basis of knowledge, God-fearingness, sincerity, and complete outward and inward knowledge, I would never have been considered worthy of it. Moreover, His greater favor is that all my faults and deviations have been overlooked. I was ignorant; He granted me knowledge. I was astray; He showed me the right path. I was helpless and discouraged; He granted me patience, courage, and steadfastness in my resolve. I was without support or resources—He helped me at every step from the unseen treasury and made every difficulty so easy that it was beyond my imagination. I thirst for knowledge—there is no one but Him who can quench this thirst. My knowledge and understanding contain countless errors and shortcomings. If there is anyone who can remove them, it is He alone. My heart is restless, my soul impatient and agitated, and my mind troubled. He alone can cure this affliction of mine. I am drowning in a sea of sin. My deeds contain innumerable faults. Natural weakness keeps diverting me at every step from the path of earning God’s pleasure. There is no one but God who can remove these faults of mine. I pray to Him for sound reasoning and a clear outlook. I pray for the strength to love and hate solely for the sake of Allah.”

(Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an, Muharram, 1355 AH)

The expression of the innermost soul of a God-loving and devoted seeker has been vividly conveyed in the foregoing words. Bowing his head in remorse over his sins. Ashamed and humbled by his unworthiness. His passionate desire to walk upon the Straight Path, his anguish from thirst for knowledge, his abasement and humility before his Lord, his prostration in the dust, and his ardent longing to attain the love of his Lord—all these are the marks of a madly love-struck, believing man.

From the foregoing account it can be clearly understood through what adverse circumstances he was calmly calling the Muslim nation toward the truth. For six or seven consecutive years he tried in this way to awaken consciousness among the Muslims of India and Pakistan. He continued his solitary, unbroken struggle along a difficult path. Boundless courage in his heart, an irresistible pen in his hand, and complete reliance upon God. Yet, owing to natural human weakness, profound sorrow and pain would sometimes emerge. Through his journal he remarked:

—”My heart’s foremost desire is the greatest possible advancement of this journal. But I am not satisfied with the manner in which it is being published. I want it to become a revolutionary force. I want it to illuminate human thought with the radiance of Islam from the darkness of ignorance, and to purify, enlighten, and develop that thought on the foundation of genuine Islamic principles. I want this journal to present before society the Islam that has been turned into nothing more than a lifeless relic of the past as a dynamic system and as an active movement and creator of revolution for the sake of a way of life. I hope that, through profound criticism and protest, it will uproot opposition to Islam from the world piece by piece, and that, through deep investigation of facts, it will solve every problem of life on the basis of Islam’s fundamental principles. For the past six years I have cherished this hope in my heart and have been exerting all my strength to achieve this objective. But unfortunately, I am completely alone on this path, without means, resources, assistance, or support. My strength and ability are limited. Therefore, I cannot do what I desire to do. I search everywhere for helpers and fellow workers, but I find them nowhere. In this crowded city I feel lonely, unknown, and a stranger. I cannot find the beloved for whom I am distraught with love. When I approach those to whom I have been expressing my thoughts for years, they seem very far from me. Their aspirations differ from mine. The purpose of their lives is distinct from mine. My heart is a stranger to their hearts. Therefore, my anguished call does not reach their ears. It is as though I live in an entirely different world.”

In any case, through hope and despair, through blows and counterblows, Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an continued moving forward, clearing the accumulated debris and despair from the Muslims’ realm of thought with its double-edged sword and illuminating every horizon with the torch of its guidance.

Maulana Maududi at Darul Islam

In mid-April 1938, Maulana Sayyid Abul A’la Maududi migrated from Hyderabad in the Deccan to a place called Pathankot in Gurdaspur District of East Punjab. On the advice of the late Allama Iqbal, an Islamic research institution named Darul Islam was established about four miles from Pathankot. From 1938 until the partition of India, Darul Islam was not merely an Islamic research center; it also produced a considerable number of true soldiers of Islam and devoted warriors.

It is noteworthy that the philosopher Iqbal, the visionary of Pakistan, regularly read the Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an published by Maulana Maududi. He was so influenced by the Maulana’s revolutionary ideas and articles that he was sometimes heard to remark, “Only this Maududi can show the misguided Muslims of India the right path.” The philosopher Iqbal had perceived in the Maulana clear signs of a great man of the future. Having recognized the Maulana’s many-sided talent, efficiency, ambition, and immaculate character, the poet Iqbal summoned him to Lahore. This was the poet Iqbal’s first meeting and acquaintance with the Maulana. The main subject of their discussion was that the discerning poet requested him to make Punjab the field of his work. After the meeting, the Maulana returned to Hyderabad.

Chaudhry Niaz Ali Khan Sahib was among those who were thinking and planning for the future proper course of action of the Islamic ummah. He presented his plan and program to the poet Iqbal. But, pleading inability to do anything in the matter because of his health, the poet said, “By whatever means necessary, bring Maulana Maududi to Darul Islam.”

An amusing incident may be mentioned here. Once I had the opportunity to visit the city of Pattoki in Punjab. I was received as a guest in the home of an elderly Hakim, Nemat Ali. This is the incident he related to me:

A God-loving man, Chaudhry Niaz Ali Khan, sought his friends’ advice on how to spend his considerable wealth on some beneficial work for the faith. One of his friends advised him to go to Allama Iqbal to discuss the matter. Chaudhry Niaz Ali Khan then met Allama Iqbal and expressed his desire to him. After listening attentively to everything he said, Allama Iqbal rose and went inside the house. Chaudhry Sahib waited a long while for the Allama to return, then rose and left disappointed. Since the Allama had not said a single word to him, he was deeply saddened.

When his friend heard this, he said, “Go to the Allama again. He is a great philosopher and thinker. Perhaps he became immersed in an ocean of thought and forgot what you told him. This time he will perhaps give you proper advice.” Chaudhry Niaz Ali again expressed his desire to Allama Iqbal and said humbly:

“Sir, that day you went inside without saying anything to me. I therefore believe that my plan did not please you.”

The Allama said, “What do you mean—did I say nothing? I certainly said something. You did not understand.”

Then he showed him Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an, edited by Maulana Maududi, and said:

“Did you not notice that day that I went inside while repeatedly showing you this journal? What I meant was that to carry out your plan you need Abul A’la Maududi, the editor of this journal. If you can bring him here, all your work will be accomplished.”

Chaudhry Niaz said, “Sir, I am not even acquainted with him.”

The Allama said, “All right, very well. He is coming to Delhi on such-and-such a day. Go and meet him with a letter from me.”

At the appointed time, Chaudhry Niaz Ali Khan went to Delhi and handed the Allama’s letter to Maulana Maududi.

Maulana Maududi was astonished when he read Allama Iqbal’s letter. The Allama urged him to leave Hyderabad and come to Punjab. Some time later, Maulana Maududi met the Allama and discussed the matter at length.

The Maulana then left Hyderabad and arrived at Darul Islam. But who knew that the man at whose invitation and request the Maulana had abandoned his homeland and relatives and chosen a residence in a rural village in a foreign land would, after making the call, depart for the Hereafter? The Maulana had reached Darul Islam and was busy arranging his luggage and belongings when a letter from Sayyid Nazir Niazi Sahib arrived from Lahore. Its gist was as follows:

“The doctor’s condition is extremely critical. He is very anxious to see you once. If possible, come immediately.”

Maulana Maududi himself said about this, “I was stunned when I received the letter. I had only just arrived at the new place. My belongings were lying piled up. I thought I would arrange them a little and go after two or four days. But who knew that the angel of death was lying in wait? I was preparing to go to Lahore when news of the Allama’s death suddenly arrived.”

Hardly had he set foot in that unknown and unfamiliar foreign land when the death of his well-wisher and patron perhaps dealt a tremendous blow to the boat of the Maulana’s life and made it spin briefly; but the skilled helmsman quietly, with an unwavering heart, held the rudder firmly.

The Maulana’s Endeavors at Darul Islam

The quiet, secluded, undisturbed environment of Darul Islam, free from noise, became conducive to the emergence and full development of Islamic thought and research. As a result of ten long years of continuous work of the pen, an Islamic literary treasury born of research into the Qur’an and Hadith was built on the one hand, and the minds, conduct, and actions of some servants of Allah were imbued with God’s color; on the other hand, the fundamental element behind the creation of Pakistan—the doctrine of the two-nation theory—was developed at Darul Islam’s research center itself. Among the Maulana’s works published from here are Khutbat (the essence of faith, Islam, prayer, fasting, Hajj, zakat, and other matters), Islam’s Political Doctrine, What Are the Four Fundamental Terms of the Qur’an?, Tajdid wa Ihya-e-Din, and The Path of the Islamic Revolution. The beginning of the Maulana’s moving and revolutionary Qur’anic commentary, Tafhim-ul-Qur’an, also took place here. Moreover, the incomparable work of Islamic thought and national sentiment, Muslim Aur Maujuda Siyasi Kashmakash, Volume 3, was completed during a blessed Ramadan at Darul Islam. In short, when the Muslim nation had lost its way in the darkness of a pitch-black night, Darul Islam’s blazing torch illuminated its path.

It would not be an exaggeration to say that Darul Islam was an “ordnance factory” from which two sturdy and powerful weapons of war were produced, with which the ten crore Muslims of the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent tore apart the Congress and all its political and cultural webs of conspiracy. Those two weapons were Mas’ala-e-Qaumiyat and Muslim Aur Maujuda Siyasi Kashmakash.

The Maulana’s Migration

The word hijrah means abandoning one’s homeland, relatives, friends, fields, farms, business, and trade for the sake of Islam and in order to attain Allah’s pleasure, and choosing somewhere else in Allah’s earth as one’s place of residence, where it is possible to follow Islam completely or where greater opportunities exist to serve the faith. No one can deny that this is extremely difficult and painful. To sever the bonds of the place where one was born, whose air and light nurtured and raised one, whose trees, rivers, natural scenery, loved ones, friends, various resources, and useful possessions create a web of attachment and hold one fast, and then leave for another place, is no small matter. Even the Noble Prophet (peace be upon him) grieved at severing such ties. But he had to do it for Allah’s sake.

Maulana Maududi was born in Aurangabad, a modern city of Hyderabad. Later he chose Hyderabad city itself as his field of work. But for a great purpose, at the invitation of Allama Iqbal, he migrated to the secluded village of Jamalpur, under the Pathankot police jurisdiction in Punjab Province. There was no electricity there. The nearest railway station, Sarna, was several miles away. At night he had to work by the light of kerosene lamps. There were no modern houses or modern bathrooms or latrines. Water had to be drawn from a well for bathing and washing. Firewood had to be split, and cooking had to be done with great difficulty amid clouds of smoke.

The Maulana married into a highly distinguished family in Delhi. It is easy to imagine how difficult it was for his wife to live in such a secluded village. Although living there was unsuitable for their tastes and health, they had to accept it, crushing their feelings beneath a weight of stone. Was this a minor sacrifice and offering? Yet he made it solely for service to the faith and to attain Allah’s pleasure. He did not hesitate to make any sacrifice along this path. Today countless people throughout the world are enjoying the golden harvest of that sacrifice, turning from the wrong path of life to the right one.

The Maulana’s Marriage

One year before migrating to Darul Islam, on March 5, 1937, Maulana Maududi married into a renowned Sayyid family.

The Mughal emperor Shah Jahan liked to pray only behind an imam from the Sayyid lineage. Therefore, he appointed a highly educated scholar from Bukhara, also of Sayyid descent, as imam of the Delhi Jama Masjid. A learned man from a branch of this same family still holds the position of imam of the Delhi Jama Masjid. It was into this family that Maulana Sayyid Abul A’la Maududi married.

The Maulana’s Immortal Contribution to the Pakistan Movement

When the Muslim nation had become confused and lost in the Hindu Congress’s all-India nationalism movement—that is, the movement to establish Ram Rajya in undivided India—Maulana Maududi lit the torch of truth before that nation, showed it the way, and issued a lofty call to unite in the bond of Islamic brotherhood. It has already been stated that in his book Al-Jihad fi’l-Islam he presented Islam as a genuinely idealistic revolutionary movement and described the duties, purposes, and objectives of the Muslim nation. Because of the Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind’s blind love for the Congress, he severed his connection with its journal, Al-Jamiat. Later, after Mr. Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s historic Fourteen Points (he had not yet become Quaid-e-Azam) were accepted at the Round Table Conference in England, the Muslim League developed a self-defensive movement against the Hindu-nationalist Congress. In reality, this too was not a sound idealistic movement.

It goes without saying that the Congress had long worked to form a geographical and regional nation by combining all communities. Realizing its danger, the Muslims adopted another misguided path to protect themselves from it: Muslim nationalism instead of the single nationalism influenced by Hindu civilization and culture. In reality, both forms of nationalism are dangerous. Therefore, in the first volume of his book Siyasi Kashmakash, Maulana Maududi first made a scientific analysis of Islam’s fundamental objective, ideal, and political role. Then, in the second volume of the same work, he analyzed the defects and disastrous consequences of the nationalism desired by the Congress. He also analyzed the disastrous consequences of the Muslim nationalism toward which Indian Muslims were drifting under the leadership of the Muslim League. In fact, Islam did not come to create any nationalism or establish any National State. Rather, it seeks to present a sound ideal, philosophy of life, and social philosophy in the world and establish an ideological or ideal state. This book, Siyasi Kashmakash, Volume 2, speaks of establishing an Islamic state instead of a Muslim state.

From 1935 onward, Indian Muslims had become disoriented in the vortex of political turmoil. In works authored by the Maulana, including Tanqihat, Siyasi Kashmakash, Purdah, and Tajdid wa Ihya-e-Din, he sounded warnings about this situation and presented solutions.

The Maulana could never support the Congress’s ruinous movement. Rather, his position was that Muslims must sever all relations with the Congress and live as a distinct idealistic party or nation. Having forgotten Islam’s true teachings and ideal morality, Muslims were turning toward European civilization and culture. He issued a stern warning against this and, through his book Tanqihat, showed them plainly the poisonous consequences of the poisonous tree of European civilization. The central aim of all his writings and efforts was that Muslims must stand tall in the world as an ideal nation and that the rule of Allah alone must be fully established throughout the whole of human life. In fact, this later took the form of the Pakistan movement.

Maulana Madani’s Single Nationalism

The Congress, however, remained steadfast in its objective: to create a single nation throughout India and gain the country’s independence on that basis. To confuse and deceive the Indian Muslims by proving geographical and regional nationalism, the Hindu Congress employed one of the greatest scholars. The late Hazrat Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani, head of the Hadith department at Deoband, India’s foremost center of Islamic learning, once tried at Lahore Jama Masjid, by citing the Qur’an and Hadith, to prove a single geographical nation comprising all the Hindus, Muslims, Buddhists, Christians, and Jains of India without distinction. His speech was also published as a booklet. At that time the Muslim League movement was gaining considerable momentum, and it had advanced this far by presenting Muslims as a distinct nation. But when Muslims heard the arguments and proofs for a single nationalism combining Muslims and non-Muslims from the head of the Hadith department of a famous center of learning, the Muslim League circles and Muslim India generally became stunned, bewildered, agitated, and despairing. At that time the philosopher-poet Iqbal, the visionary of Pakistan, was confined to his sickbed. On learning there of Maulana Madani Sahib’s statement, he became deeply distressed and restless. Slowly, with his trembling body, he sat up in bed and, being a poet by nature, sharply criticized Maulana Madani Sahib’s statement in verse, saying:

The Persian has not yet understood the secret of the religion,

That Deoband’s Husain Ahmad has uttered such a strange word.

He sings from the pulpit that the nation comes from the homeland.

How unaware he is of the station of the Arab Muhammad!

Take yourself to Mustafa, for he is the whole of the faith,

If you do not reach him, all of it will be Abu Lahab.

That is—

That Persian did not understand

The essence of the faith’s bewilderment;

Therefore, in Deoband, Husain

Ahmad uttered such a strange word.

“The nation is made from the homeland”

He repeats this saying in song,

Alas, he did not understand the station

And dignity of the Arab Prophet.

Take yourself to the Prophet—

This is the demand of the faith.

If you cannot reach him,

Everything will be Abu Lahabi.”

It goes without saying that although Dr. Iqbal’s few lines of poetry struck at the late Madani Sahib’s doctrine, they were not sufficient to prove single nationalism false. As a result, the Indian Muslims and the Muslim League became directionless, seeing their movement shrouded in fog. At precisely this critical moment, Maulana Maududi began wielding his powerful pen and wrote an invaluable revolutionary book entitled Mas’ala-e-Qaumiyat.

Here I feel it necessary to mention briefly the statement of the late Maulana Madani Sahib. In his speech he tried to prove that, in the present age, nations are formed on the basis of geographical and regional identity. To prove his statement, he began by saying:

“I now consider it necessary to point out the errors in all that has been published and is being published in opposition to the theory of one nation and in an attempt to prove it contrary to the principles of justice. Since 1885, Congress has been making considerable efforts to demand national unity from the people of India on the basis of indigeneity. Its opposing forces are striving with all their might to prove that denying it is not merely impermissible but unlawful and forbidden. In reality, nothing could be more dangerous to British imperialism. These things were not published only today; they had been stated in 1886 or even earlier.”

He further says—

“Even if one-nation theory is indeed such a cursed and despicable thing, nevertheless, since the Europeans uprooted Islamic rule and the Ottoman Caliphate by using this very weapon, it is now the duty of Muslims to use this weapon to uproot the British.” (Islam and Nationalism, p. 43).

At the beginning of the revolutionary book he wrote in response to Maulana Sayyid Abul A’la Maududi’s statement (Islam and Nationalism, the Bengali translation of Maulana Maududi’s Urdu work Mas’ala-e Qawmiyat), he says—

“Mr. Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani, principal of Darul Uloom Deoband, has written a booklet entitled One-Nation Theory and Islam. Naturally, it was expected that this booklet, written by a renowned scholar and the head of the greatest religious educational institution in Pak-India, would contain a simple analysis of the ‘complex theory of nationality’ and a full expression of the true Islamic viewpoint. But after reading it, we have been bitterly disappointed and have found the book detrimental to the author’s standing. In the present age, countless anti-Islamic ideologies are preparing to launch fierce attacks on the fundamentals of Islam; Islam is helpless today in its own home. Muslims themselves do not examine the events and problems of the world from the pure Islamic perspective. Needless to say, they are unable to do so simply because of ignorance. Moreover, the matter of ‘nationality’ is so complex that the life and death of each nation depends on clearly understanding it. If a nation combines principles completely contrary to the foundations of its own nationality, it cannot survive in the world as a ‘nation.’ In undertaking to write on this complex subject, a person like Maulana Husain Ahmad Sahib ought to have remained fully conscious of his own responsibility. For the trust of the Prophet has been placed in his keeping. If the true teachings and fundamental principles of Islam should ever become covered with rubbish and refuse, it is the duty of people like them to remove it.”

In this present age of darkness, they ought to have fully understood that their responsibility is far greater and more demanding than that of ordinary Muslims. If ordinary Muslims remain immersed in error, this class of people will be held responsible for it first of all. Therefore, I must say again that no evidence of Maulana Madani’s sense of responsibility or feeling of responsibility can be found in this booklet.” (Islam and Nationalism, p. 41).

To prove the theory of one nation for all the people of India to be sound, Maulana Madani Sahib presented another argument:

“Every day we form associations or societies for common interests, and we do not merely participate in them; we also strive with all our might to obtain membership. There are municipal areas, declared areas, municipal boards, district boards, legislative councils, educational associations, and hundreds of societies of this kind, formed according to specified rules for particular purposes. No one declares participation in these societies, or making full or partial efforts for them, forbidden. But strangely, if any such society is established to work for the country’s independence and against British domination, then participating in it becomes forbidden, contrary to justice, contrary to Islamic teaching, and contrary to reason and understanding.” (Islam and Nationalism, p. 52).

In reply, Maulana Maududi says—

“In fact, this is what is called reaching a wrong conclusion on the basis of an error. Maulana Madani regards a sinful act as obligatory and, falling blindly in love with it, is trying to prove another similar sin sound. Yet the same fundamental reason for being forbidden exists in both cases. I wish to say plainly that, in the view of the Ulama of India, declaring participation in councils and assemblies forbidden one day and lawful the next has become nothing more than child’s play. For they do not follow the principle of declaring something forbidden after examining the actual matter. A single word from Gandhi activates their power to issue fatwas. But I speak on the basis of Islam’s eternal and unchanging principles and ideals: supporting comprehensive institutions that give human beings unrestricted authority to make new decisions on matters concerning which Allah and His Messenger (peace and blessings be upon him) have issued clear judgments is unquestionably an eternal crime for Muslims. But when non-Muslims become the majority in such comprehensive institutions possessing unrestricted authority and power, and all decisions are made on the basis of majority rule, it is counted as a double crime. Therefore, the first duty of Muslims is to separate the sphere of activity of these comprehensive institutions from the defined limits of God’s Shariah; this is their true war for freedom. If the aforesaid limits of exercising authority are separate from each other, then it will be proper for Muslims to cooperate with a group formed for a common interest of the Muslim and non-Muslim nations. Whether it is to resist an enemy’s attack or to carry out economic or industrial activities makes no difference. But so long as the spheres of activity and authority of the two nations remain interconnected, not only union and cooperation, but even living under such a connected system of government, is wholly improper for Muslims. In this matter, all Muslims without exception will be considered guilty until they all shatter this system of government through their united strength. Those who willingly accept this system of government and strive to implement it will be even more guilty. But whoever he may be who presents arguments from the Qur’an and Hadith in support of implementing this system of government will be the most guilty of all.”

(Islam and Nationalism, p. 53)

Observing the poisonous results of Congress’s one-nation theory, Maulana Maududi says—

“It was for this purpose that the Wardha Scheme was drafted. The Vidya Mandir Scheme had the same purpose. This purpose was written clearly in both schemes. But Maulana Madani did not see these schemes or their curricula at all. Pandit Nehru had been inculcating this very nationalism for several years. But none of his speeches or writings had come to Maulana Madani’s attention. Every responsible person in Congress was declaring and writing this very thing, and was also vigorously propagating it with the help of the state power obtained through the new constitution. But Maulana Madani is unable to hear, see, or perceive any of it. Yet each of the comprehensive institutions he mentioned is carrying out these very activities.” (Islam and Nationalism, pp. 59–60).

Maulana Maududi further says—

“Therefore, it would have been better if Maulana Madani had used words such as ‘mutual friendship’ to express his attitude and had presented a proposal from his own side as a recommendation, rather than presenting it as the policy and work of Congress. Even now, if he shows this nation at least that much kindness, it will be a great favor. Otherwise, his pen has every possibility of causing a great catastrophe. Whatever tyrannical kings and rulers and immoral heads of state have done, scholars have used Qur’anic and Hadith evidence to prove it true and have used religion as an instrument of oppression and exploitation.

After the publication of Maulana Madani’s aforementioned booklet, it became extremely necessary to analyze ‘nationality’ from a purely scientific perspective and to highlight the fundamental differences between Islamic and non-Islamic doctrines on this matter. If this were done, all misconceptions relating to it would be removed from people’s minds, and they would be able to understand and consciously choose one of the two paths. This was the duty of the scholars, but when the leading figure of the scholarly community himself has raised the banner of one-nation theory, and no scholar is prepared to fulfill the real duty, ordinary people like us must take the initiative.” (Islam and Nationalism, p. 61).

In this book, while describing the foundations of Islamic nationality, he says:

“Allah and His Messenger (peace and blessings be upon him) shattered the confined, material, sensory, and superstitious foundations upon which the edifices of the world’s various nationalities were built. On the basis of race, tribe, homeland, economics, and unscientific political conflicts and distinctions, people, through their own foolishness and extreme ignorance, crush humanity, whereas from the human point of view all people have been granted equal status, equal dignity, and equal rights.”

“In Islamic nationality, distinctions are indeed made between people, but not for any material, worldly, or external reason. They are made in spiritual, moral, and human terms. A natural and true way of life, called Islam, is presented before humanity. All mankind is invited to the servitude and obedience of Allah, purity and refinement of heart and mind, purity of action, honesty, and adherence to religion. Then it is said that those who accept this invitation will be regarded as one nation. Those who reject it will belong to an entirely different nation. In other words, one of humanity’s nations is the nation of faith and Islam, whose entire body of individuals together forms an ummah. The other is the nation of unbelief and misguidance. Its followers, despite their mutual disagreements and distinctions, are counted as one group and within the same group.”

“There is no difference between these two nations in terms of lineage or tribe. The difference is one of belief and action. Thus, two children of the same parents may, because of the aforesaid distinction between Islam and unbelief, be counted among two separate nations, while two unrelated and unknown persons may belong to one nation because they have embraced Islam.”

“Difference of homeland cannot be a cause of distinction between these two nations either. Here distinction is made on the basis of truth and falsehood. And truth and falsehood have no ‘country’ or ‘homeland.’ The nationality of two people in the same city, the same neighborhood, or even the same house may differ because of the distinction between Islam and unbelief. A Black man can, through Islam, become the brother of a Moroccan.”

“Difference of color is not a cause of national distinction here either. The color of one’s outward appearance is insignificant in Islam. Here, only Allah’s color has importance. That is the best color.”

“Linguistic differences are not a cause of distinction between Islam and unbelief either. In Islam, the language of the mouth has no value at all. What has value is the language of the mind and heart—the wordless speech.”

The center of this circle of Islamic nationality is the declaration: There is no deity but Allah; Muhammad is the Messenger of Allah. Friendship and enmity are based on this declaration. Acceptance unites people, while rejection creates final separation among them. Those whom this declaration separates cannot be united by any bond or relationship—blood, soil, language, color, food, system of government, or anything else. Likewise, nothing can separate those whom this declaration unites.

The Maulana further says:

“It should be noted that the relationship between the Muslim nation and non-Muslim nations has two aspects. First, as human beings, Muslims and non-Muslims are all equal. Second, because of the distinction between Islam and unbelief, we have been made completely separate from them. In terms of the first relationship, Muslims will treat them with sympathy, mercy, generosity, and courtesy. As human beings, this is the treatment they may receive. Indeed, if they are not enemies of Islam, friendship, peace, and cooperation for a common cause may also be established with them. But no kind of material or worldly relationship can unite them and us into ‘one nation.'”

In any event, Maulana Maududi’s aforementioned book caused a stir in the society of that time, and the confusion created by Maulana Madani’s speeches and booklet was completely dispelled. The leaders and workers of the Pakistan Movement used it as a sharp weapon. In fact, this book established the scientific basis of the two-nation theory, and this became the fundamental cause of Pakistan’s creation. The book refuted the Congress’s dangerous plan to establish Ram Rajya and the arguments for regional nationalism supported by Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani, proving them unscientific, illogical, un-Islamic, and hollow. More than that, through this book Maulana Maududi made clear and manifest the justification for the Muslims’ demand for a distinct nationality and a separate state.

This is the fundamental reason for Maulana Madani’s blind hostility toward Maulana Maududi. On the basis of this hostility, Maulana Madani later unleashed, from the machine gun of lifelong fatwa-mongering, a barrage of incendiary fatwas built on baseless, unfounded, and malicious accusations against Maulana Maududi. Even more regrettably, many disciples and followers of the late Madani Sahib, known as religious scholars, followed their teacher and also became engrossed in blind opposition to Maulana Maududi. It is undeniable that Maulana Madani and his disciples and followers placed the greatest obstacles in the way of Pakistan’s creation. Even after Pakistan was declared, during the Sylhet Referendum, these eminent scholars went from door to door among the Muslims of Sylhet soliciting votes against Pakistan. After Pakistan came into being, these eminent scholars suddenly pretended to be Pakistan’s greatest well-wishers and accused Maulana Maududi of opposing the Pakistan Movement. In the history of ‘Islam’ and the ‘religious scholars,’ what greater disgrace or greater distortion of truth could there be?

No conscientious, learned, just, and sound-minded person can deny the immense contribution Maulana Sayyid Abul A’la Maududi made behind the creation of Pakistan. This will be written in letters of gold on the pages of history for future generations.

Some self-interested and opportunistic political parties in our country and some of their blind supporters, even a number of scholars, accuse Maulana Maududi of having once been a staunch opponent of Pakistan as a follower of Congress and the Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind. It should not be difficult for sensible people to understand that these campaigns are born of hostility toward Islam and are an evil conspiracy to prevent the revival of Islam. We request impartial readers and the country’s discerning people to try to learn and understand Maulana Maududi’s entire past activities. Maulana Maududi is nothing more than a human being. It is natural that he should have human shortcomings and faults. But that does not make it the work of any good person to level malicious false accusations against one who devoted the time, wealth, and labor of his entire life to Allah’s path and continued tirelessly striving to re-establish the religion of Islam. What greater oppression and injustice could be inflicted upon him? However, such people should remember that one day truth will certainly shine forth in its heavenly radiance, and on that day all the balloons of falsehood will vanish into thin air.

Maulana Maududi and the Muslim League

Although the Pakistan Movement continued under the leadership of the All-India Muslim League, Maulana Maududi did not join the Muslim League. The following discussion will explain why he did not. Nevertheless, it is undeniable that Maulana Maududi was one of the thinkers whose ideas produced the Pakistan Movement. Not only that, he actively supported this movement. This is not merely our assertion; it has also been acknowledged by other circles, especially by the Muslim League. Some quotations are provided below as evidence—

During the period before Partition, Maulana Zafar Ahmad Ansari, M.A., LL.B., was the right-hand man of the late Quaid-e-Azam and the late Liaquat Ali Khan. He was Joint Secretary of the All-India Muslim League and Secretary of its Committee of Action and Central Parliamentary Board. He says—

“On this subject, Maulana Abul A’la Maududi Sahib continued writing a series of articles entitled ‘The Problem of Nationality’ (Mas’ala-e Qawmiyat). Because of its irrefutable arguments and evidence and powerful style of expression, the article was highly appreciated by Muslims. Within a short time, it rapidly became a topic of discussion among Muslims. As a result of this important discussion, belief in the concept of one nation was shattered, and awareness of a distinct national identity spread among Muslims with the speed of lightning. This was not merely an idealistic debate or discussion about nationalism; rather, it demolished the dream palace of Congress and the Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind. The most dangerous strategy of the Hindus was to eradicate by any means the feeling of a distinct national identity from the hearts of Muslims and render the foundation of their national existence hollow. The Muslim League itself was trying to bring the religious aspect of this debate into greater prominence, so that the public could grasp Congress’s game and be moved to fulfill the demands of their religion and faith.”

(‘The Pakistan Movement and the Ulama,’ monthly Chiragh-e Rah, Pakistan Special Issue, p. 232).

Maulana Ansari Sahib further says—

“In fact, even before the Pakistan Resolution was adopted, demands for ‘Divine Government,’ ‘Muslim Hindustan,’ and ‘Rabbani Caliphate,’ among others, had arisen from various circles. Allama Iqbal had presented the idea of a Muslim Hindustan. Maududi Sahib’s writings had raised the call for ‘Divine Government.’ Maulana Azad Sobhanani had presented the concept of a ‘Rabbani Caliphate.’ The emergence of such demands from various places proved that Muslims deeply felt the need to establish a state based on their own intellectual outlook, and that, in light of the circumstances, their dormant resolve was awakening fully.”

(‘The Pakistan Movement and the Ulama,’ monthly Chiragh-e Rah, Pakistan Special Issue, p. 233).

Allama Iqbal was profoundly influenced by Maulana Maududi’s articles and other writings. Mian Muhammad Shafi Sahib, editor of the Lahore-published weekly newspaper Iqdam, says that Allama Iqbal would have those articles from Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an read aloud to him by someone else. He was so impressed and influenced by them that he requested the Maulana to leave Hyderabad in the Deccan and come to Punjab. It was in response to this invitation that Maulana Maududi moved to Punjab in 1938.

In an article entitled ‘Lahore Diary,’ published in the weekly Iqdam on June 9, 1963, Mian Muhammad Shafi Sahib commented—

“Maulana Sayyid Abul A’la Maududi was, in reality, an enemy of nationalist Muslims. I say this with full responsibility: I used to hear Allama Iqbal say, ‘Maududi will teach these Congressite Muslims a lesson.’ Allama Iqbal openly criticized Azad (Maulana Abul Kalam Azad) and Madani (Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani). But he was accustomed to having particular sections of Maulana Maududi’s Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an read aloud to him by someone else. Furthermore, I say with absolute responsibility that Allama Iqbal requested Maulana Maududi, in a letter, to make Punjab instead of Hyderabad in the Deccan his field of work, and he had this letter written through me.”

In his book Evolution of Pakistan, Sayyid Sharifuddin Pirzada, adviser to the Constitutional Commission formed during Pakistan’s period of military rule and chairman of the Company Law Commission, says—

“Through a series of articles published in Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an in 1938–39, Maulana Maududi exposed Congress’s veil and warned the Muslims. Moreover, he reviewed the history of the Muslims of this subcontinent. He tore away the mask of Congress’s secularism and proved that, given India’s special circumstances, democracy was unsuitable for it. For here the Muslims had one vote and the Hindus had four votes. He condemned the national imperialism of the Hindus and expressed the view that joint electorates, or obtaining somewhat more seats in the councils and fixing a quota in government employment, were no solution to the political problems of the Muslim nation. He also presented three alternative proposals in this regard.” (Evolution of Pakistan, p. 191)

The third of these three proposals was the proposal to partition India. Pirzada Sahib makes the following final comment in his book:

“All those proposals and suggestions presented by Sir Abdullah Haroon, Dr. Latif, Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan, an unnamed Punjabi, Dr. Qadri, Maulana Maududi, Chaudhry Khaliquzzaman, and others were, in one sense, guides toward the creation of Pakistan.” The aforesaid book.

The quotations above were not necessary to prove our point. But we consider them necessary only for those who were not familiar with the circumstances of that time. They prove how greatly the two books written by Maulana Maududi, Muslims and the Present Political Crisis and Mas’ala-e Qawmiyat, served the national cause during the independence movement of Pak-India, especially on the road to achieving Pakistan.

The three proposals of the Maulana mentioned by Sharifuddin Pirzada in his book were three alternative proposals for a system of government published in the October, November, and December issues of Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an in 1938.

They are briefly presented below:

The first proposal

(a) The system of government will be based on the principles of an International Federation. In other words, it will not be the state of any single nation, but a state of federated nations.

(b) Every nation participating in this federation will possess cultural autonomy.

(c) In common domestic and internal affairs, procedures will be developed on the basis of equal partnership.

The Maulana then analyzed the fundamental principles of cultural autonomy.

The Second Proposal

If the proposal for an international federation is not accepted, then the second alternative proposal is that separate territories for the various nations be identified, where they can establish their democratic states. A period of twenty-five years, or approximately ten years, shall be fixed for the exchange of inhabitants. Each state shall have a greater right to self-government, while the central federation shall have very limited authority.

The Third Proposal

If the above proposal is also not accepted, then the third alternative proposal is that our national states be established independently and that they form separate federations.

The third and final proposal was, in effect, Maulana’s proposal for the partition of India, which the Muslim League adopted fifteen months later, on 23 March 1940, and which came to be known as the historic Lahore Resolution, or the Pakistan Resolution.

The question now is: after doing all this, why did Maulana Maududi not join the movement together with the Muslim League? The sole reason was the League’s method of work. In analyzing this more than once, the Maulana said—

If our objective is to establish an Islamic state, then, in order to reach that objective, we must also prepare our nation morally. For this, we must work in every field—education and training, thought, morality, tahdhib-o-tamaddun, politics, and so forth. Otherwise, achieving this objective will be extremely difficult.

In this movement, great care must be taken in selecting leadership overall and in every department. If socialists, atheists, irreligious people, estate holders, landlords, and all others are gathered together in one place, the crowd that results can never guide the nation along the right path. They will instead try to use the nation to destroy one another and fulfill their own interests. Consequently, the destination will be lost. (Needless to say, the Maulana’s apprehensions at that time were reflected in these words. The history of Pakistan’s past three decades has repeatedly proved this point—the author.)

The fundamental characteristic of Muslims is that they are an idealistic group calling people toward the truth. This characteristic must not be allowed to be influenced at any cost.

Unfortunately, the Muslim League authorities did not deem it necessary to attach any importance to these words.

In reply to a letter written on behalf of the Working Committee (Committee of Action) of the All-India Muslim League, the Maulana said—

“Never think that I am not participating in this work because of any disagreement. In reality, my inability is that I do not understand how I would participate if I did so. Half-measures or incomplete methods do not appeal to me. I consider it appropriate for myself, instead of actively participating in this matter, to observe like a student how the planners determine the means for this partial reform and constructive work, and what benefits the implementers produce by putting it into practice.” (Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an, July–October 1944)

This was the Maulana’s disagreement with the Muslim League’s method of work. One may disagree with his view. But future historians will probably not be able to ignore the fact that the obstacles that have arisen and continue to arise in the way of establishing an Islamic social system in Pakistan after the partition of India, that even thirty-seven years after independence Pakistan has remained an Islamic state only on paper rather than becoming one in reality, and that those striving to transform it into a truly Islamic state have been crushed through imprisonment, execution, and various forms of oppression and persecution—all these developments had been clearly foretold in the Maulana’s writings even before the partition.

Nevertheless, it must not be forgotten that although the Maulana did not participate directly in the Pakistan movement, through his writings he supported the movement by clearly analyzing the Islamic way of life. During the Pakistan movement, some Muslims began to remark: Is it acceptable to fragment India? In reply, the Maulana said—

“As a Muslim, I attach no importance whatsoever to the question of whether India will remain undivided or be divided into ten parts. The entire earth is one country. Human beings have divided it into a thousand parts. If the divisions into which the earth has so far been divided have been just, then what harm would there be if it were divided into some more parts in the future? Those who suffer anguish when this idol is shattered are the ones who regard it as a deity. If I could find even one square mile here where no one besides God has dominion and authority over human beings, I would regard this small piece of land as more valuable than all of India.”

(Siyasi Kashmakash, vol. 3, pp. 76–77.)

When the demand for Pakistan was compared with the demand of the Israelis, the Maulana strongly protested and stated—

“In my view, there can be no comparison between the demand for Pakistan and the Jews’ demand for a national homeland. Palestine is not, in reality, the Jews’ homeland. The Jews were not in the position of having a country that was their national homeland and for whose culture they were striving. Rather, their actual position is that a certain country is not their national homeland at all, yet they demand that they be gathered there from different parts of the world, given the opportunity to live there, and that country be forcibly made their national homeland. In contrast, the basis of the demand for Pakistan is that the regions where Muslims are in the majority are already their national homeland. The Muslims’ position is that, because living together with the other regions of India under the present democratic system harms the political identity of their national homeland, they should be protected from this, and that instead of one independent state in undivided India, there should be two independent states called ‘Hindu India’ and ‘Muslim India.’ In other words, the Muslims are not demanding that a national homeland be created for them. Rather, their position is that they should be granted the right to establish an independent state separately in the national homeland that they already possess.”

(Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an, July–October 1944.)

The Muslim League was loudly proclaiming that Pakistan would be a complete Islamic state. Some people in League circles felt that, since a movement had arisen for an Islamic social system, it was necessary to prepare a draft embodying its fundamental principles. For this purpose, an Ulama Committee was formed by the United Provinces Provincial Muslim League. Among its members, the names of Maulana Sayyid Sulayman Nadvi, Maulana Sayyid Abul A‘la Maududi, Maulana Abdul Majid Daryabadi, Maulana Azad Subhani, Nawab Muhammad Ismail (the Nawab of Chhatari), Nawab Shamsul Hasan, and Chaudhry Khaliquzzaman are especially noteworthy.

The chairman of that committee was Nawab Muhammad Ismail Khan of Chhatari. In the first week of January 1941, the Nawab of Chhatari wrote to the Maulana requesting him to attend a meeting of the Nadwatul Ulama committee in Lucknow. The letter that the Maulana sent to Sayyid Abul Hasan Ali Nadvi of Nadwa before attending the meeting has been included at the end of the descriptive book entitled My Beloved Book.

Mr. Kamruddin Khan, Reader at the Central Institute of Islamic Research, says that once, at Maulana Maududi’s invitation, he met Quaid-e-Azam in 1941. He gives the following account of the matter:

“Through the Raja of Mahmudabad, arrangements were made for our meeting at the Gulrana House in Delhi. Quaid-e-Azam listened to me with great patience for forty-five minutes. He then said that he greatly appreciated the service rendered by Maulana Maududi. But obtaining an independent state for the Muslims of this subcontinent was more urgently necessary than his pious life and work. The Jamaat was working for a great objective, while the League was engaged in immediately resolving that problem. For unless it was resolved, the Jamaat’s work could not be completed.”

—Weekly Thinker (an article dated 27 December 1963).

The above discussion clearly proves that Maulana Maududi was not merely a supporter of the Pakistan movement; rather, he gave the movement comprehensive assistance, increased its momentum, and gave irrefutable, reasoned replies to statements and criticisms opposing it. However, he did not join the Muslim League, nor could he do so. A party formed by gathering together people of different characters and ideologies, even ideologies opposed to Islam, can never move toward any noble ideal. The Maulana possessed this insight. The clearest proof is that the predictions he made on this matter long before the partition of India were seen, after the creation of Pakistan, to be reflected in every detail—and continue to be so today. I hope this will dispel the misconceptions of those who hold unfavorable opinions about the Maulana.

Maulana Maududi—After the Historic Lahore Resolution

Under the leadership of the Muslim League, the Muslims of India finally adopted the Pakistan Resolution at a historic session of the League held in Lahore on 23 March 1940. Its essence was that Muslims should be recognized as a separate nation and granted a separate homeland in the Indian subcontinent itself, where they could establish a complete state according to their din, tahdhib-o-tamaddun, and traditions. This was the central idea of the Pakistan movement. Although this Pakistan movement continued in the name of Islam, Maulana Maududi clearly understood that it was by no means favorable or suitable for establishing Islam. The reason was that the Muslim League had begun moving in a different direction along a different path instead of proceeding toward its declared destination. There could be two reasons for this. First, perhaps there was a lack of complete sincerity in its objective; or second, it did not know a sound and scientific method for reaching its goal.

Six months after the adoption of the Pakistan Resolution, on 11 September, Maulana Maududi delivered a lengthy speech at a meeting held in Strachey Hall of Aligarh University on the initiative of the Anjuman-i Islami Tarikh-o-Tamaddun. The subject of his speech was ‘How Is an Islamic State Established?’ (Islami Hukumat Kis Tarah Qaim Hoti Hai?). His speech was published as a booklet in Urdu, English, Bengali, and other languages. The book The Way to the Islamic Revolution is its Bengali translation.

In the speech, the Maulana said—

“The Islamic state is purely an ideological state. It is completely free from narrow nationalism and its direct or indirect influence. In fact, this first characteristic of Islamic government is what gives it complete distinction from the other states of the world. In English, this type of state is called an IDEOLOGICAL STATE. The world has not had many encounters with such an ideological state. Those who, despite being born in Muslim society, have adopted their social concepts and doctrines from European history, European politics, and social science cannot accommodate this idealism in their minds and intellect.” (The Way to the Islamic Revolution, p. 48.)

The Maulana further said—

“The entire structure of the Islamic state rests upon the foundation of Allah’s sovereignty. In fact, this is the second characteristic of Islamic government. The entire universe is the kingdom of Allah alone; He is its Lord, ruler, and lawgiver. This is the fundamental concept of Islamic statecraft. No individual, family, class, nation, or humanity as a whole has any right to sovereignty. The right to formulate state laws and issue commands and directives belongs solely to Allah—no one else. Human beings shall act in this world as Allah’s khalifahs, or representatives. This is the only sound and proper way to govern states on earth.” (The Way to the Islamic Revolution.)

Regarding the special qualities required to govern an Islamic state, the Maulana said—

“For governing an Islamic state, it is essential to establish a special mentality, a special nature, and a special kind of activity. It cannot be compared in any way with any other system of government. Its army, police, courts, economy, laws and politics, its policies of peace and war, and all related activities are completely different from those of a secular state. A judge or chief justice of the courts of a secular materialist state is not even qualified to be a clerk or attendant in an Islamic government. The inspector general of police there could not be appointed even as an ordinary constable in an Islamic government. Its field marshal could not even enter the ordinary army here. Its foreign secretary, far from being eligible for any office in an Islamic state, would be liable to exile for the crimes of false propaganda, fraud, and treachery.” (The Way to the Islamic Revolution, p. 11.)

In his speech, the Maulana stated plainly that since the Islamic state is an ideological state, in order to establish and govern it, it is first necessary to create a number of people of upright character, imbued with the Islamic ideal and Islamic qualities, as well as an appropriate environment. Otherwise, no such ideological state is possible. By way of example, he said—

“The revolution in France became possible in accordance with the aims of its leaders as a result of the special moral and intellectual environment that leaders such as Rousseau, Voltaire, and Montesquieu had created there over a long period. The Russian Revolution could be brought about only through the ideas of Marx, the leadership of Lenin and Trotsky, and the revolutionary activities of thousands of Communist workers thoroughly trained in the ideology of Communism—not by any other means. German National Socialism could take root and stand only in that special moral, psychological, and cultural environment which had been created by the research, ideas, doctrines, and the audacious leadership of Hitler, as well as by Hegel, Fichte, Goethe, Nietzsche, and numerous other thinkers like them. In exactly the same way, the Islamic Revolution will arise, and the Islamic state will be established, only when a mass movement arises on the foundation of the ideals and doctrines of the Qur’an and the character and activities of the Prophet Mustafa (peace be upon him). Then it will be possible to transform completely, through a powerful struggle, the entire psychological, moral, mental, and cultural foundation of social life. No Islamic Revolution can be created through a nationalist movement, because behind it lie an erroneous educational system, and a foundation established upon an opportunistic mentality and the unruly tendency to drift aimlessly with the herd in the current of the age. In fact, in matters of state and social philosophy, like the former French minister Monsieur Reynaud, I have no belief whatsoever in any such abnormal occurrence. This is my sincere conviction. The result will inevitably correspond to the nature of the work—there can be no exception.” (The Way to the Islamic Revolution, pp. 18–19.)

Criticizing the kind of movement and method of work being pursued for Pakistan, or an Islamic government, the Maulana said—

“Some Muslims believe that all troubles will end if the Muslim nation can somehow be organized. They think that an Islamic state will arise automatically if a nation called Muslim is assembled on a particular platform and organized and directed under centralized leadership. But in reality, this is nothing more than an unrealistic fantasy. Moreover, there is no doubt that it is merely a blind nationalist outlook and nationalist method of work. Any nation that wishes to establish its own domination in the world must adopt this method, regardless of the religion it follows or the country to which it belongs. The greatest mark of a leader intoxicated by love of the nation is that he can speak according to circumstances and opportunities, employ various tactics, and possesses full ability to issue instructions and lead a party. It is undeniable that under the leadership of such a leader, the nation may make considerable progress. This would likewise be true if Muslims were merely the name for a collection of people possessing hereditary or historical traditions. But it is unnecessary to say again that such leadership and method of work can never produce an Islamic Revolution or establish an Islamic state.” (The Way to the Islamic Revolution, pp. 20–21.)

The Pakistan movement was indeed proceeding with full force in undivided India, but no effort was made, nor any program adopted, to reform the misguided and morally corrupt society. Islamic consciousness and the moral condition within society were extremely anarchic. Efforts were being made to establish an Islamic state together with the refuse and moral defects of the Age of Ignorance. The Maulana strongly protested against all this and said—

“If a nation whose moral condition is so low and degenerate is assembled into an army by bringing together crowds of people of diverse opinions and natures, or if they are made as cunning as foxes through political education and training, or if, by making them proficient in the art of war, the ferocity of tigers is aroused in them, it may perhaps become easy for them to gain dominion over the jungle world; but with their help it is not at all possible to spread the din of Islam, the religion of Almighty Allah, or establish Islamic government. For in such circumstances, no one in the world will acknowledge their moral superiority, no one’s heart will be stirred by Islam’s passionate spirit and inspiration, and for all these reasons they will never have the fortune of witnessing the enchanting sight of people throughout the world entering the fold of Islam in multitudes.” (The Way to the Islamic Revolution, p. 22.)

Pointing out through scientific analysis the errors in the path along which the Muslim League was conducting its movement, Maulana Maududi said—

“I cannot understand how, once a secular national state has been established, it could be transformed in the indefinite future and reshaped according to the Islamic ideal. Under democratic rules, if Islamic doctrines, Islamic character and outlook, and Islamic values have not been awakened among the country’s voters, and if they have not already become accustomed to living an Islamic life, then a ‘true Muslim’ can never be elected by their votes to Parliament or to the Legislative Assembly. Consequently, state power will fall into the hands of people who, although counted as ‘Muslims’ in the census register, possess not even the faintest trace of Islam in their doctrines and thoughts, ideals and methods of work. Because state power will be entrusted to such people, even after obtaining complete freedom and an independent state, we will be forced to live exactly as we did before independence under a non-Muslim state. Indeed, an even worse and more dangerous situation may arise. For a national state bearing the label of ‘Islamic government’ will be bolder and more fearless than a non-Muslim state in blocking the path of the Islamic Revolution. A non-Muslim state may imprison people for certain crimes, whereas the ‘Muslim national state’ will impose the death penalty and exile for those same offenses. Yet the leaders of the Muslim national state will be called ‘ghazis’ and ‘brave mujahids’ during their lifetimes and ‘glorious’ after their deaths. Therefore, it is entirely wrong to think that a Muslim national state can help establish an Islamic state.” (The Way to the Islamic Revolution, p. 28.)

Needless to say, the above words of the farsighted and discerning Maulana were reflected, letter for letter, within a few years of the birth of the state of Pakistan—and continue to be so today.

The Maulana further remarked in the aforementioned book—

“But the question now is: if we truly wish to establish an Islamic state, what path must we adopt? Many people in our society have once again placed everything in the hands of the leaders and are sitting back with their hands folded. Their reliance is that the leaders themselves will establish Islamic government. Therefore, they need do nothing. But this notion is just as mistaken as the method of work adopted at the beginning of the Muslims’ movement to organize the nation and establish a state.” (The Way to the Islamic Revolution, pp. 28–29.)

It is deeply regrettable that even after analyzing, in his lecture at Strachey Hall of Aligarh Muslim University, the complete picture of the Islamic state, the scientific method of establishing it, its principles and characteristics, and the terrible consequences of the wrong approach, the Muslim League continued recklessly along its customary path. Through his foresight, the Maulana clearly understood that a new state would perhaps certainly be born as a result of the mass movement. But instead of becoming an Islamic state, it would be led along such an erroneous path that measures would have to be adopted in advance to save it from its terrible consequences. For the picture of the future had already become clear in the Maulana’s mind. He was not, of course, a prophet of the future. But he understood it through knowledge gained from the past experience of history and through scientific causal relationships. In the above-mentioned lecture, he had said—

“If a tree remains an orange tree from the time it breaks through the soil until it becomes a full-grown tree, it cannot suddenly produce mangoes when the time comes to bear fruit.”

He was therefore also able to make a clear statement about the future of the Pakistan movement.

Creating the Environment for the Islamic Movement

To give practical form to the vision of establishing the Islamic way of life that Maulana Sayyid Abul A‘la Maududi had conceived, he had to spend years tirelessly spreading a web of thought and inspiration in order to create the necessary environment and background. To enable readers to properly appreciate the immense effort and striving he undertook, with infinite patience, to pierce the darkness of despair, I present before them the principal subject matter of the serialized discussions in Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an. From this they will be able to understand the truth that initiating a genuine Islamic movement among a Muslim nation distorted and degraded in its beliefs, thoughts, and actions was an extraordinarily difficult task—one that Maulana Maududi undertook. No one can establish an Islamic movement merely by wishing to do so, or at any time. It requires deep knowledge and scholarship of Islam, namely the Qur’an and Sunnah; an unparalleled power of writing to express it in simple, lucid, and appealing language; and the wisdom and ability to bring a misguided human society to the path of truth and light. In addition, it requires a sensitive mind, infinite patience and forbearance, the ability to produce timeless writings, and incomparable organizational skill. Allah Most High had granted him all these qualities in full measure.

The Establishment of Jamaat-e-Islami

To establish the “true religion,” Maulana Abul A‘la Mawdudi began a movement through his monthly journal Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an. To conduct any movement properly and give it practical form, a jamaat or party is necessary. No movement can be conducted at all without united, wholehearted effort and struggle. For this purpose, in 1941 the Maulana established a party called Jamaat-e-Islami. During the Pakistan Movement, why was it necessary to establish another party called Jamaat-e-Islami, and what political, religious, moral and cultural circumstances did the Muslims of India then face? These matters require detailed discussion. We also need to know clearly whether the Muslim League could fulfill all the needs of the Muslims and, if not, what alternative arrangement could have been made.

From the latter part of the nineteenth century, the British Government realized that the people of India would have to be given the right to participate in governing the country, and that this would be through democratic institutions. That democracy, in turn, would be similar to the democracy prevailing in England. The British Government believed that, like the people of England, the people of India constituted one nation regardless of race or religion. The majority party would administer the government, while the minority party would remain in opposition and try to gain a majority. Behind all this lay their civilizational and political philosophy: religion would be confined to people’s personal lives, and the state would have to be secular. The only people who could benefit from constitutional changes based on this outlook and political philosophy were those who constituted the majority in India. For this reason, the British Government was not merely willing to accept this system; it also began strongly advocating it. Meanwhile, from the very beginning, the entire movement of the Indian Congress was directed toward trying to form a responsible government in accordance with this outlook. But for the Muslims, the idea of such a national democratic secular state was as deadly as poison, and they therefore faced this tremendous problem.

At first they thought it would be better not to place the right of self-government in the hands of the people; rather, it should remain in the hands of the British rulers. But later they accepted the basic principle of establishing a democratic state on the basis of one nation. At the same time, they tried to ensure that they would have legal safeguards so that they could preserve their distinct identity. Then, suddenly, during the Khilafat Movement, they began raising the slogan of Hindu-Muslim unity and agreed to surrender themselves by placing their trust in the majority community. After that, they again raised the demand for legal safeguards. Gradually, however, disagreement began to emerge among them on this question. One group believed that independence should first be achieved in alliance with the majority, and the demand for safeguards should be raised afterward. The second group said that safeguards should first be arranged for them as a minority, after which a joint independence movement could be launched. But neither group understood that no national distinctiveness could remain intact within a democratic system established on the principle of one nation, nor could any religious civilization and culture develop in a religionless state.

Against this background, the Government of India Act was passed in 1935, and new governments were established in the provinces of India on the basis of full provincial autonomy. It then became clear through practical experience that the majority community in this country would continue to govern on the principles of democracy based on one nation and secularism—that is, religionlessness.

The farsighted Maulana Mawdudi thought it necessary to clearly present to the Muslims the terrible situation they would have to face in the future as a result of such a system. For it was as clear to him as daylight that under such a system no kind of legal safeguard could protect the Muslims and their civilization from being absorbed into the civilization and culture of the majority. Observing this danger, from 1937 to 1939 Maulana Mawdudi continuously wrote articles for three years in Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an entitled “Muslims and the Existing Political Crisis” and “The Question of Nationalism,” which were later published as books. Through these articles he tried to make the Muslims understand that if they accepted the establishment of a democratic, religionless state on the principle of one nation, it would amount to their committing suicide.

After this, some good sense began to emerge among the Muslims. They now clearly understood that no legal safeguard would be of any use to them under the democratic government that would be established on the basis of one nation. But what, then, was the solution? One group said that the demand for the partition of India should be made and the Muslim-majority regions should be separated from India. Many were initially unwilling to accept this proposal. Mr. Muhammad Ali Jinnah was also not willing at first. Their view was that this would solve the problem of one part of the nation, while the other, larger part, scattered throughout various parts of India as a weak minority, would be left entirely dependent on the goodwill of Hindu India.

It was at this time that Maulana Mawdudi published the third volume of “Political Crisis.” In this book, he said that the sole reason for the problem confronting the Muslims of India was that, thinking of themselves as a nation, they believed that their strength in a democracy depended on numbers. Thus they had fallen into a double predicament. If India remained united, they would be destroyed; and if it were partitioned, half of the nation would have to be left at the mercy of the Indian Hindus. But the Maulana said that the Muslims of India were in reality not merely a nation; they were an ideological group, or millat. Unlike the Germans, French and English, they were not a hereditary nation. They possessed a distinct philosophy of life, an ideal and a great objective in life. It was through this ideal that they had conquered country after country in the past. The millions of Muslims living in India today had also been won over by this ideal. Therefore, if the Muslims struggled for their own ideal and philosophy of life instead of for national rights and national interests, the result would be that no one in India could destroy them; moreover, one day it might even be possible to hope that the Islamic flag would fly over all of India. For no nation or party in India possessed any such living ideal as the one Islam had given the Muslims.

The Maulana presented this doctrine to the Muslims of India. But most people paid no attention to it. In 1940, the Pakistan Resolution was adopted at the Lahore session of the Muslim League, and a vigorous movement for it began as the national objective.

Naturally, two questions then began to trouble thoughtful people. The first was this: if, God forbid, the Muslims were to be disappointed after the Pakistan Movement, how could Islam, Islamic civilization and the distinct identity of the Muslims be protected from the consequences of such a national defeat? Second, if Pakistan came into being, how could the light of Islam be kept burning among the millions of Muslims in India? And how could Pakistan be prevented from becoming a second Turkey under the leadership of those conducting the Pakistan Movement?

These two questions troubled the Maulana. Therefore, after much thought and study, he formed a party called Jamaat-e-Islami in 1941. His aim was that this party would produce in the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent a number of true soldiers of Islam who would continue struggling to uphold the message of Islam in this land. If the Pakistan Movement failed, they would protect the Muslims from the terrible consequences of national defeat; and if Pakistan came into being, they would help guide it along the right path.

The Organization of Jamaat-e-Islami

“The future of humanity now depends on Islam. All ideologies created by human beings have failed. There is no longer any possibility of success for any of them. Nor do people possess enough courage to formulate a new ideology and risk their lives testing it. In these circumstances, Islam is the only ideology and path from which humanity can hope for welfare and progress. It will be a complete system of life for mankind, and by following it people can gain freedom from destruction.

In the April issue of Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an published in 1941, Maulana Mawdudi wrote an article entitled “The Need for a Righteous Jamaat.” In it, after giving a detailed account of the failures of polytheism, asceticism and the modern materialistic way of life of the West, he made the above observation and said that the salvation of humanity now lay solely in Islam. Of course, this does not mean that if you continue preaching Islam, you will thereby conquer the whole world. The real point is that the overthrow of every civilization requires a force, a party. A new civilization likewise requires a new way of thinking and a new party. Therefore, to free the world from the danger of a future age of darkness and enable it to benefit from Islam’s contribution, it is not enough that a correct ideology already exists. Alongside the correct ideology, a righteous jamaat or party is also necessary.

After saying that every member of this jamaat or party would have to be of a very high standard in faith and deeds, he said that all ties with the present civilization and culture and its followers would have to be severed. All the benefits, comforts and pleasures associated with this civilization and social system, and all hopes and aspirations for advancement and progress, would have to be abandoned. Then, in order to uproot a misguided social system and establish a correct one in its place, one would have to endure all the material losses, suffering, hardships and misfortunes that were unavoidable. This revolution would require wholehearted effort and the sacrifice of life, property and valuable time. Every kind of mental and physical labor would have to be accepted. One would have to be prepared for imprisonment, execution, persecution and punishment. Property might be confiscated, and wives, children and relatives might face ruin. All this would have to be embraced with a smiling face. If necessary, one would even have to sacrifice one’s life on this path. Without traversing such a difficult road, no revolution has ever come into the world in the past, nor can one come now.

Speaking of people of high character who had been initiated into the discipline of the ordeal, the Maulana said:

“We are told: Where can such people be found in this age? Such people were produced in a pure and exalted age. But the Creator has permanently stopped creating people of that kind.”

In reality, this is a false notion, a superstition. It arose in the minds of those who themselves had fallen prey to despair. People of every kind of ability are found in every age. If people can accomplish so much by believing in Hitler, Marx and Gandhi, can nothing be accomplished by believing in God? If love for one’s homeland can be so strong that a person can sacrifice life and property for it, is there not even as much love for God’s pleasure and nearness?

In an article entitled “The Organization of Jamaat-e-Islami,” Maulana Mawdudi explained in Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an the reason for forming the Jamaat and said:

“For the past three years, several people who agree with me and I had been trying to persuade one of the major Muslim parties existing today to introduce such changes in its organization and program as would fulfill this need of Islam and make it unnecessary to form a new party. But, regrettably, our effort did not succeed. Thereafter, we had no alternative but to bring together those who were dissatisfied with the activities of the existing parties and were interested in working on the basis of true Islamic principles. Accordingly, in August 1941, a conference was convened with them, and Jamaat-e-Islami was established on the basis of mutual consultation.”

Jamaat-e-Islami

I would like to present to the readers an account of how and amid what circumstances Jamaat-e-Islami was formed.

In the third volume of his book “Muslims and the Existing Political Crisis,” Maulana Mawdudi explained the Islamic movement, described the necessity of forming a party for it, and also presented a draft of the method by which that party should be organized. Subsequently, in the Safar issue of Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an of 1360 AH, Maulana Mawdudi issued an appeal to the Muslim public that those who accepted the aforementioned ideology and outlook and wished to work accordingly should contact the Tarjuman office. Within a few days, reports began arriving that a considerable number of people were interested in forming and working through an Islamic party. Accordingly, all concerned were invited to gather in Lahore on 1 Sha‘ban 1360 AH, corresponding to August 25, 1941.

A total of seventy-five people from different parts of the country attended the conference. On the first day, various people asked the Maulana questions on different matters. The Maulana gave satisfactory answers to all of them.

The session began at eight o’clock on the morning of the second day. First, in his speech, the Maulana shed detailed light on the history of the Islamic movement up to that time. Presenting “religion” as a movement, he said: “We must not allow religious devotion in our lives to remain inactive and stagnant as merely a personal matter. Rather, we must be able to establish religion in our entire lives and struggle to uproot the reactionary forces. The establishment of Dar-ul-Islam in 1938 was its first step. At that time I had only four companions. This small beginning was extremely insignificant. Yet we did not lose hope. Rather, by God’s grace, the work of spreading the call to the Islamic movement and preparing minds and outlooks for this movement continued. By Allah’s favor, companions began to increase, one or two at a time. Small branch organizations of such people began to be established in different parts of the country. Alongside this, the publication of Islamic literature and the work of fundamental preaching and propagation also continued. Finally, after examining and evaluating the movement’s response, it became clear that the ground had now been prepared for forming Jamaat-e-Islami and conducting the Islamic movement in an organized manner. It was for this reason that this conference was convened.”

After analyzing this background, the Maulana said: “Above all, we must properly understand the fundamental difference between the Islamic movement and the various movements that have generally existed and continue to exist among Muslims.”

“First, these movements may be conducted on the basis of some particular part of Islam or some worldly objective. But our movement will proceed with the whole of Islam.”

“Second, their party organizations have been formed according to the methods of other parties in the world. But we are adopting precisely the organization that existed in the party established by the Messenger of Allah at the outset.”

“Third, when people are admitted to these parties, they are admitted under the assumption that, since they were born among the Muslim nation, they must necessarily be true Muslims. As a result, from ordinary members and workers to leaders, many people have entered these parties who are entirely unreliable in character and unfit to undertake any great responsibility. But we do not accept anyone into our party on the assumption that ‘he must be a Muslim.’ Rather, we accept him only when, having understood the meaning, essence and implications of the Kalimah Tayyibah, he pledges to believe in it. After joining, the essential condition for remaining a member of the party is that he must fulfill the minimum demands made by faith. In this way, God willing, only righteous people will be selected from among the Muslim nation and join this party.”

After analyzing in this way the reason for forming an Islamic party, its organizational method and its comparative differences from other parties, Maulana Mawdudi read the draft constitution of Jamaat-e-Islami. A printed copy, of course, had been distributed to everyone the previous day. After a full discussion, the constitution, with very minor amendments, was unanimously adopted.

Then Maulana Mawdudi stood, recited the Kalimah of Testimony, and addressing everyone assembled, declared: “All of you bear witness that I am renewing my faith and joining Jamaat-e-Islami.”

Then, one by one, everyone recited the Kalimah of Testimony and announced that they were joining the Jamaat. As they recited the Kalimah, each one wept quietly. On the one hand, the fear of Allah, and on the other, the emotion and feeling of undertaking a tremendous responsibility, shook their hearts.

Seventy-five people joined Jamaat-e-Islami at the outset, and Jamaat-e-Islami was founded with them. Maulana Mawdudi was unanimously elected Ameer of the Jamaat.

(a) After the Ameer was elected, Maulana Manzur Nu‘mani raised his hands in supplication. Maulana Nu‘mani prayed: O God! Some insignificant servants of Yours have resolved to convey Your message throughout the world. They wish to transform society and purify Islam from contact with falsehood. We are Your insignificant, worthless and weak servants. Hoping only to earn Your pleasure, we have stood for such a great and noble purpose. Grant us the ability to make this purpose and goal an inseparable part of our lives throughout our entire lives, so that we may restore Islam to its true form.

Maulana Nu‘mani’s tearful, choked-voiced prayer brought a flood of tears to everyone’s eyes. It infused their hearts with renewed energy and enthusiasm and an irresistible resolve to walk in God’s path.

Hakim Maulana Muhammad Abdullah, who took part, said: ‘The prayer, and the extraordinary emotion that arose among those who participated in it, moved me so deeply that it is something I could never forget in my life. An even more moving incident, which will remain forever engraved in my heart, was that after the guests had finished eating, Maulana Sayyid Abul A‘la Mawdudi himself removed the scattered bones, scraps and other leftovers from the dining cloth and cleaned the place where the food had been served.’

After being elected Ameer, Maulana Mawdudi delivered the following speech:

“I am neither the most knowledgeable nor the most God-fearing among you. Nor do I possess superiority over you in any other respect. But since, placing your trust in me, you have entrusted me with the responsibility for this tremendous work, I pray to Allah—and you should pray as well—that He grant me the strength to fulfill this responsibility and preserve your trust in me. To the best of my ability, I shall strive to perform this work with complete fear of God and a full sense of responsibility. I shall never deliberately neglect my duty. In accordance with knowledge and understanding, I shall make no omission in following the Book of Allah, the Sunnah of the Messenger and the example of the Rightly Guided Caliphs. Nevertheless, if I make any mistake or deviation, and any of you feel that I have strayed from the right path, do not assume that it was intentional. Rather, think well of me and try to correct me. As long as I remain on the right path, you will support me, obey me, offer sincere advice, provide every possible kind of help and cooperation, and keep away from methods of action that violate the discipline of the Jamaat. I have a full awareness of the greatness of this movement and of my own shortcomings. I know that this is a movement led by the great prophets and messengers of Allah, and that after the age of prophethood ended, it was carried forward by extraordinary people who were the finest individuals in human society. I have not for a moment entertained the mistaken idea that I am qualified to lead this great movement. Rather, I consider it unfortunate that you have not found anyone more qualified than me for this tremendous task. … I shall never allow myself to become an obstacle in God’s path. I shall not give anyone the opportunity to say, ‘Bring a suitable person.’ The position you have given me will always remain vacant for such a person. Of course, I am not prepared to say that if no one else steps forward to continue this work, I too will not step forward.”

“This movement is the aim of my life. My life and death are devoted to it. Whether anyone else follows this path or not, I must follow it. If no one accompanies me on this path, I shall walk alone. If the whole world unites in opposition, I shall have to fight against it and shall not retreat from it.”

The Consultative Council

After the historic founding conference of Jamaat-e-Islami was held, the Ameer of the Jamaat announced the names of the members of his Majlis-e-Shura. The next day, the Shura meeting was held, and the following program was announced by the Ameer of the Jamaat, Maulana Mawdudi:

Those who have joined this Jamaat will purify their souls and refine their way of life according to Islam. On the other hand, those outside this Jamaat—whether they are non-Muslims or Muslims who have distanced themselves from religious responsibility and religious objectives—must generally be invited to reject the sovereignty of all others besides Allah and accept the sovereignty of the Lord of the Worlds. Thereafter, steps must be taken according to the circumstances. It must be remembered, however, that uprooting a firmly established social system based on obedience to others besides God and establishing a way of life based on obedience to God is by no means an easy task. The loss of life, property and everything else is unavoidable. Therefore, only those who are prepared to sacrifice every kind of benefit, comfort and luxury and accept every kind of loss with a smile should advance in this work.

The manifesto of Jamaat-e-Islami declared as follows:

“Jamaat-e-Islami is not one of the parties generally called, in a narrow sense, political, religious or reformist parties. In reality, however, it is an ideological party. This party believes in a broad and universal philosophy of life for humanity. It seeks to effectively implement this philosophy of life in human thought and belief, character and conduct, education, literature and the arts, civilization and culture, religion and social life, the economic and political spheres, and the administration of the state. In the view of this Jamaat, when people abandon obedience to God, forget that they will be answerable to Allah in the Hereafter, and refuse to follow the path shown by the noble prophets, they become the sole cause of all unrest and wrongdoing in the world.”

In brief, Jamaat-e-Islami fundamentally calls all mankind to three things. They are:

The Call of Jamaat-e-Islami

To humanity in general and to the Muslims in particular—

—Acknowledge servitude to God and obedience to the prophets in every sphere of life.

—Abandon evasive attitudes and hypocrisy, and associate no one with God.

— Remove the God-averse people from leadership and authority, and entrust all power to the truly faithful and righteous, so that life may be conducted precisely along God’s path.

If you believe this call to be true, join us. You will receive its reward directly from God. Whoever obstructs this work should prepare to answer before God.

In short, the Jamaat-e-Islami has risen with the same mission for which Allah’s prophets came into the world, and which was fully developed through the Last Prophet, Hazrat Muhammad Mustafa (peace be upon him). That is, God alone must be obeyed in every sphere of human life—in education, industry and science, civilization and culture, social, economic and political life, the administration of the state and the battlefield, business and commerce, offices and courts, and the establishment of international treaties and relations. This is the objective of the Jamaat-e-Islami. This is called Iqamat-e-Deen, or the complete establishment of Allah’s Deen, Islam.

In 1943, the central office of the Jamaat-e-Islami was transferred from Lahore to Dar-ul-Islam in Pathankot, East Punjab. In 1945, the first All-India Jamaat-e-Islami conference was held there.

All-India Jamaat-e-Islami Conference

In October 1942, the central office of the Jamaat-e-Islami was transferred from Lahore to Dar-ul-Islam in Pathankot, East Punjab. In 1945, the first All-India Jamaat-e-Islami conference was held there.

Here, a portion of the speech that Maulana Maududi delivered before the workers at this conference is being quoted.

It should be noted that, ever since the Jamaat was formed, some vested-interest religious businessmen became vociferous in their criticism of the Jamaat and the Maulana. There is a reason for this, and it is quite natural.

The Jamaat-e-Islami is an ideological movement, not merely an organization for Islamic Tabligh. In fact, there is a great difference between a movement (Tahreek) and Tabligh.

Tabligh means conveying some good words and deeds to people, advising them to do good, and generally appealing to them to refrain from evil. If someone advises a person to do good and counsels him to refrain from evil, he should not become angry or displeased. Rather, even when the advice of those who offer such admonition is ignored, they are generally shown respect. But a movement means uprooting evil deeds, injustice, obscenity and the like from the bosom of society and establishing righteous deeds. If, before an assembly of ten or twenty thousand people, one declares in a resonant voice, “Do good and refrain from evil,” it may perhaps achieve some success. But no reactionary force will rise up. If, however, one says, “Come, let us unite and establish whatever is good in society and uproot whatever is evil,” then this will be called a movement; and it will certainly be seen that a reactionary force has become determined to stand against this movement of yours. This movement was the work of the prophets, and the command that Allah has given in the Holy Quran regarding Amr bil-Ma‘ruf wa Nahi ‘anil-Munkar can be properly realized only through a movement.

Since the Jamaat-e-Islami was a movement, reactionary forces became hostile to it from the very beginning. The speech that the Maulana delivered before the workers at the first All-India Jamaat-e-Islami conference, in the context of criticism and opposition from the reactionaries, is extremely important. On the one hand, his speech clearly explains the Jamaat’s purpose and objective; on the other, by pointing to the obstacles, dangers, hardships, suffering, persecution and oppression that would naturally arise on the path of the movement, it makes the workers alert and cautious. On the one hand, he inspired the workers with indomitable motivation for this great movement; on the other, he instructed them to show tolerance toward its reactionary opponents.

The Jamaat’s Objective: Establishing Hukumat-e-Ilahiya and Attaining Allah’s Pleasure

In his speech, the Maulana said: “We cannot say anything about the outcome of this movement to establish Deen. The outcome is in Allah’s hands. If the result of our effort is that we succeed in establishing a righteous social order, that will be a great gift from Allah. Many mockingly say that all our efforts are supposedly aimed at gaining power, and that attaining Allah’s pleasure is not our objective. Their notion is entirely mistaken. All our efforts are directed toward establishing Allah’s Deen and a righteous, God-given way of life; there is nothing wrong with striving for the establishment of Allah’s Deen. There is nothing shameful in it either. When we speak of Hukumat-e-Ilahiya, we mean such a system. I cannot understand what there is to dispute if such a system is the object we desire and seek. Is this, then, something different from seeking God’s pleasure? What could bring greater pleasure to God than that Allah’s rule should prevail upon Allah’s earth? Who could strive more earnestly for God’s pleasure than those who, without caring for anything else, dedicate their lives so that no one’s authority besides Allah’s may prevail upon God’s earth? If such an effort is worldly, then is religiousness to spend the whole night awake reciting ‘Allah, Allah’ and spend the day trying to establish Satan’s state upon God’s earth? Those who speak this way have an exceedingly vile conception of Deen in their hearts and minds.”

At one point in the speech, the Maulana said:

“You know that Allah will not demand of us that we establish a state like that of Hazrat Abu Bakr and Hazrat Umar. No one has the ability to do such a thing, nor has Allah commanded it. What has been demanded of us is that we make every kind of effort to establish Deen and devote all the resources of our lives to this effort—that is, our own lives, our wealth, and all the things we love. By Deen we do not mean any particular part of it, however important that part may be. By Deen we mean the whole and complete Deen: its fundamental and detailed matters, its beliefs and practices—we mean all of these by Deen. We shall strive for Deen with sincerity, enthusiasm and energy. For God, this alone is the touchstone distinguishing faith from hypocrisy. A heart in which there is no impulse to establish Deen has no place for faith. A heart that has no concern for Deen can never be God’s abode. No matter how much one recites the tasbih, or performs wird and zikr-azkar, these can never equal the love for establishing Deen. This is the very soul of all religiousness, and this is what God will seek first in our hearts. Then, this effort to establish Deen must certainly be organized, not individual. We must strive to kindle in our hearts the fire of love and affection for establishing Deen. The question of what the outcome will be is irrelevant. It may even happen that we are cut into two with a saw.”

Commenting on opposition to the movement, the Maulana said:

“The demand of this path is that we develop within ourselves a tendency to welcome opposition. Whether the path is true or false, Allah’s practice in this matter is that whoever chooses any path must face a trial by fire along it. The distinctive feature of the true path is precisely that, from beginning to end, it is filled with trials by fire. Just as a brilliant mathematics student is pleased when given a difficult problem because it will test his talent, so a resolute believer enjoys facing a trial, because it gives him an opportunity to prove his obedience. A flickering lamp is extinguished by the slightest breath of wind. But a blazing stove burns more intensely in the wind. Develop within yourselves the ability whereby, instead of being extinguished by damp fuel, a blazing stove makes it its fuel; similarly, do not be subdued by opposition, but draw nourishment and strength from it. Until this ability has been developed within us, we cannot hope to render any good service to God’s Deen.”

Later in the speech, the Maulana urged the workers to study the Jamaat’s literature, the Holy Quran and the Seerat-un-Nabi deeply, and advised them to purify themselves and develop their character. He advised them to keep away from futile and meaningless activities, debates and disputations (argumentative gatherings), and the like.

Then he said: “If anyone harshly criticizes my personal character and conduct, do not try to resist him, because I will not do so myself. Do not waste your time and energy in such matters. … If, during a mutual discussion, you notice agitation among the opposing party, end the discussion, because heated discussions produce many harmful consequences.”

He also said: “The Islamic movement has a distinctive temperament and character. It has a particular method of work, which has no similarity whatsoever to the methods of any other movement. Those who have hitherto been involved in various kinds of movements and accustomed to their methods will have to change many things if they join this Jamaat. Meetings and associations, festoons, banners and flags, slogans, uniforms, demonstrations, the adoption of resolutions, uncontrolled speeches, writings that create agitation, and all such things are the lifeblood of those movements, but poison for the Jamaat’s movement. The method of work here must be learned from the Holy Quran, the Seerat of Muhammad (peace be upon him), and the lives of the noble Companions, and then practiced.”

Finally, the Maulana said: “The real soul of this movement is a firm relationship with Allah. If your relationship with Him is weak, you will not be capable of establishing Hukumat-e-Ilahiya or administering it successfully. Therefore, along with the obligatory acts of worship, regularly practice voluntary worship as well. Voluntary prayers, voluntary fasting, charity and such acts create sincerity in people. Perform all these as secretly as possible so that there is no riya (showing off). Pray with understanding—not as though you are reciting something memorized, but consciously presenting a petition before God’s court. …

… Refrain from all forms of zikr-azkar, riyazat (spiritual discipline), muraqaba-mushahada, tasbih and repeated recitations that are not established by authentic Hadith.”

An Interview

When Maulana Maududi was asked in an interview how the Jamaat-e-Islami was established and under what circumstances it began, the answer he gave is presented below. Readers will surely enjoy hearing from the artist’s own lips the early history of the work he created.

Hear from his own lips when the idea of making an all-out effort for the Islamic movement arose in him, before the organization of the Jamaat-e-Islami:

“I thought about its proper form in 1938 or 1939. Before that, I had wished to establish a research academy and a training center (Tarbiyatgah), so that some people could be prepared. For this is such a task that it cannot proceed unless one prepares people oneself. The idea of bringing some people into a movement and making an organized, comprehensive effort occurred to me somewhat later.”

But why did this idea arise in my mind, and what circumstances emerged at that time that caused this feeling to develop within me?

The period from 1924 to approximately 1937 was extremely despondent. The Muslims had come face to face with a tremendous crisis. On the one hand, the Khilafat Movement had failed, and then Hindu-Muslim communal riots began. The Muslims became divided and so fragmented that they had no trusted leader or guide at all. They had no goal in life and were in conflict with one another. On the other hand, this opportunity revealed the Hindus’ intentions and objectives clearly. Gandhi himself represented their interests. The Muslims trusted him, yet he was of no use to them. Instead of benefiting them, he harmed them. From his condition it seemed that his outward appearance was one thing and his inner reality another. In the Hindu-Muslim riots, he placed all the blame on the Muslims and supported the Hindus even when they went too far. Consequently, the Muslims gradually lost what trust they had in him. It was during this period that Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar became disheartened. Hakim Ajmal Khan also became disheartened.

One or two years passed during this period in a manner that was extremely painful for me. I was then very young. I could not even imagine that I would be able to lead a movement. The situation was clear: all the leaders in whom we had placed our trust had failed. They had no message with which they could calm the nation. I could not decide, even after reflection, what could be done.

During this period, many new civilizations and schools of thought began to spread. After the failure of the Khilafat Movement, Hindu-Muslim riots continued for four or five years. Then atheism and sin began to take root among the Muslims. Islam began to be distorted. Before long, this assumed the form of a storm. [A magazine edited by Fateh Niyazpuri, through which a movement was launched to prove the science of Hadith unreliable.] Nigar was created during this period. Many people were even emerging from the religious madrasas of our country who had become disappointed with Islam and were turning away from it. Eventually matters reached such a point that people felt ashamed to pray. In particular, when traveling by train or when someone prayed in a garden, he seemed to regard himself as ridiculous.

As I reflected during this period, I reached the conclusion that something had to be done to confront this situation. Observing this situation, I directly realized that the protection and advancement of Islam were impossible without organized effort.”

Question—Then did you first plan to purify people’s thinking?

Answer—Yes. At that time I thought that we should first begin some work in the field of thought and thereby prepare some people for this work. Eventually, a collective effort could be made.

After waging a struggle in the field of thought, I felt that I had no alternative now but to move forward and work. Yet I was also somewhat concerned: what if no one responded to my call—would I be able to carry on this movement? Nevertheless, after careful consideration I reached the decision that everything would be proved through direct experience. If there were no one else to move forward and work, then I would have to do it myself.

Question—How did you appeal for the help of others in this work, and how did you inspire them?

Answer—Everything in this matter depended on the articles and missionary announcements in Tarjuman-ul-Quran. I discussed it with everyone I met. I wrote very few letters. Most of the work was done through articles published in Tarjuman and through meetings and personal contacts. I did not hurry this work. I did not adopt the approach of holding a grand meeting or conference and gathering people there. I favor a small beginning. My constant effort was to begin the work with whatever suitable and trustworthy people could be found.

Question—How many people did you find when forming the Jamaat?

Answer—When the Jamaat was first formed, about 150 people responded to my call, and 75 directly joined the Jamaat. That was the initial number. [The actual fact is that, in response to the call to form the Jamaat published in Tarjuman-ul-Quran, 150 people sent their names and addresses to the Tarjuman office, and a letter was sent to all of them asking them to appear at the Tarjuman-ul-Quran office in Lahore on 25 August 1941. After this invitation, 75 appeared, and the Jamaat was formed with them—Author.]

Question—What reaction did you feel within yourself at this beginning of the Jamaat?

Answer—I clearly understood that a better beginning could not possibly be hoped for. I never thought that I would issue a call and thousands of people would respond and appear.

The Maulana on the Historic Fourteenth of August

The fourteenth of August 1947 was a memorable day for the Muslims of Pakistan and India. On that day, the rays of freedom rose for the Muslims from the shackles of British and Hindu imperialism. The district of Gurdaspur in Punjab was entirely Muslim-majority. According to the unanimously accepted basic principle of the partition of India, Gurdaspur rightfully belonged to Pakistan. Thus, for the Muslims of this district, that day was like Eid. But, in the cruel irony of fate, the Muslims’ joy turned into sorrow. By removing several Muslim-majority districts such as Gurdaspur from East and West Pakistan and joining them to India, the Radcliffe Award set an example of extreme partiality, injustice and shameless favoritism toward the Hindus.

On that day, Maulana Maududi was staying at Dar-ul-Islam, near Pathankot in Gurdaspur district. The population of Pathankot city was mostly Sikh and Hindu. The settlement of Dar-ul-Islam was also surrounded by Hindus and Sikhs. As soon as he heard over the radio that Gurdaspur had been forcibly incorporated into India, the Maulana remarked with deep sorrow that Kashmir had slipped from the hands of the Muslims. He also said that if he had had one hundred armed soldiers with him, he would have gone to Kashmir instead of Pakistan and engaged in the struggle to liberate it.

After the partition of India, the wildfire of communal riots broke out throughout Punjab. The question of the security of Dar-ul-Islam, surrounded by Hindus and Sikhs, became pressing for the residents of this small settlement. At this time, Maulana Maududi acted like an exceptionally prudent military commander. On his instructions, several trenches were dug at Dar-ul-Islam, and everyone remained prepared with only two guns and sticks so that they could defend themselves if attacked by Hindus and Sikhs. Meanwhile, the responsible members of the Jamaat began appealing to Sikh leaders to refrain from rioting.

Once a rumor spread that several hundred Sikhs and Hindus were preparing to attack Dar-ul-Islam with weapons. Relying upon Allah, the Maulana sent the Jamaat’s secretary, Mian Tofail Muhammad, with two companions to the Sikh leaders Jagir Singh and Chunilal Singh. The three unarmed Muslims reached the Sikh leaders’ homes through a settlement filled with armed Sikhs. Seeing them, the leaders were extremely astonished. The Jamaat leaders fearlessly said, “We have heard that you intend to attack Dar-ul-Islam. If this is true, what is the reason?” The unblemished character of the Maulana and the residents of Dar-ul-Islam had already made an impression on their minds. Now they were captivated by the visitors’ fearlessness and, after assuring them of their safety, escorted them to a secure place.

On the Maulana’s instructions, distressed Muslims from distant areas were given refuge in Dar-ul-Islam. Later, they were transferred to Pakistan with the help of convoys arriving from Pakistan. After sending everyone safely to Pakistan, the Maulana finally left Dar-ul-Islam and came to Lahore.

After moving to Lahore, the question of finding shelter for the Maulana and his fellow workers became pressing. After the government allotted them a house, it took it back within twenty-four hours. The Maulana forbade his people from accepting an allotted house. They then pitched tents in Islam Park and found shelter there. Later, they moved to rented houses in Ichhra.

With these displaced Jamaat leaders, the Maulana began two campaigns: cleaning the city and serving the refugees. At that time, foul-smelling garbage had accumulated in many parts of the city, carrying the threat of epidemic disease. Jamaat workers began removing the garbage from Mochi Darwaza and Bhati Darwaza.

One team was assigned to the border to serve the refugees, while two other teams devoted themselves to meeting the needs of the refugees staying at the Walton and Bawli camps.

In short, Maulana Maududi migrated to Lahore with many companions and, instead of becoming a burden on the government or the people, began his work in Pakistan by serving the other refugees who had arrived.

After the Partition of India

After the partition of India, the central office of the Jamaat-e-Islami was transferred to Lahore. The Jamaat-e-Islami was divided into two separate Jamaats, called the “Pakistan Jamaat-e-Islami” and the “Indian Jamaat-e-Islami.” Maulana Maududi was then elected Ameer of the Pakistan Jamaat-e-Islami.

From October 1947 until January of the following year, the Pakistan Jamaat-e-Islami devoted itself to relief work at the Lahore refugee camp.

It is particularly noteworthy that the predictions Maulana Maududi had made six years earlier at Strachey Hall in Aligarh concerning the future form of the state of Pakistan began to be reflected, word for word, from the very birth of the state. Those who assumed responsibility for raising and nurturing the infant state had education, moral outlook, and beliefs that were in no way conducive to establishing an Islamic state. After Pakistan was achieved, those who occupied the seats of the British white rulers likewise became the black rulers of the people of Pakistan and stood as a major obstacle in the way of fulfilling the great purpose for which Pakistan had come into being. Forgetting the great sacrifices of the millions who, inspired by jihad, had drunk deeply from the cup of martyrdom for the establishment of Allah’s religion alone, the rulers of the new state continued to follow in the footsteps of the British masters. Moreover, not even the slightest desire to mould this infant state in an Islamic form could be discerned in their minds, either in word or gesture. Therefore, five months after Pakistan was achieved, in January 1948, Maulana Maududi claimed in his first lecture at Lahore Law College that Pakistan’s system of government must be Islamic. Again, in February, while lecturing at the same college on “Islamic Law,” the Maulana presented four demands. In March, at a historic public gathering at Jahangir Park in Karachi, he delivered a speech analyzing his four demands. The four demands were these—

(1) The sole sovereign owner of the state of Pakistan is Allah Almighty, and only His will shall be fulfilled in this state.

(2) All laws currently in force that are contrary to Islam must be repealed.

(3) Islamic Shariah alone shall be the source of all the laws and regulations of Pakistan.

(4) Pakistan may act according to its wishes only within the limits prescribed by the Shariah.

The Jamaat-e-Islami was the first to launch a mass movement to have these four demands accepted by the state of Pakistan and the Constituent Assembly. Within three months, the movement became so intense and widespread that the rulers were thrown into confusion. Although they did not submit to these four demands of the Islamic masses, neither did they have the courage to reject them. The reason was this—

—These were demands entirely in accordance with Islam, and for the past ten years they had ridden on the shoulders of the people in the name of this very Islam. Therefore, they now lacked the audacity to reject Islamic demands.

—The demands were just and reasonable in every respect.

—Behind the demands stood a well-organized and firmly established movement.

—The people had thrown themselves into this movement so swiftly that opposing it would have amounted to opposing the people themselves. Nevertheless, the Islam-averse rulers finally began to retreat. They adopted the following devious tactics to sabotage the Islamic movement. They began a campaign of false propaganda, claiming that—

(1) Maulana Maududi was unwilling to recognize the war in Kashmir as jihad.

(2) By prohibiting enlistment in the armed forces, Jamaat-e-Islami had weakened the state’s security arrangements.

(3) Jamaat-e-Islami did not want to acknowledge allegiance to the state.

Since all means of public communication in the country were controlled by the state, the government could loudly present truth as falsehood and falsehood as truth, and could suppress all criticism and protest against these things. That is what happened in this matter as well. In fact, Sir Zafrullah Khan, Pakistan’s then Foreign Secretary, declared at the United Nations meeting on 3 February 1948 that his government had prohibited the recognition of the Kashmir war as jihad. When Maulana Maududi was asked to declare the Kashmir war a jihad, he said, “The responsibility for declaring jihad against a country rests with a state; this is not the work of an individual.

When the state itself is being specifically prevented from declaring the Kashmir war a jihad, how can any individual or group under that state declare it a jihad? Nevertheless, Maulana Maududi personally, and Jamaat-e-Islami as a group, rendered every kind of active assistance in the Kashmir war.

The other accusations against the Maulana and the Jamaat were likewise baseless and malicious. No one has ever been able to produce any evidence for them. This is what is called stealing the pond through the government propaganda machinery.

Maulana Maududi’s First Imprisonment

Instead of directly rejecting the Islamic demands, the rulers resorted to lies and became engrossed in an effort to sabotage them. With the help of the government propaganda machinery, they began loudly spreading the aforementioned baseless story and, on false and malicious pretexts, arrested Maulana Maududi after Maghrib on 4 October 1948, along with several prominent Jamaat leaders, including Mian Tufail Muhammad and Maulana Amin Ahsan Islahi, under the notorious imperialist Public Safety Act, and held him in Multan Jail. A month later, his term was extended by another six months.

On 11 October, Maulana Abdul Jabbar Ghazi was elected Ameer of the Jamaat and continued the movement at full strength. All forms of wicked government propaganda gradually began to be exposed before the public, while the Islamic movement also grew stronger. The people began joining the movement with even greater sympathy and cooperation. With the support of the people, the Jamaat’s workers, together with the Muslim League-supporting Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam, conducted the movement with such tremendous force that on 12 March 1949 Pakistan’s Constituent Assembly adopted the historic “Objectives Resolution.”

After the “Objectives Resolution” was adopted, it was assumed that the cause of the disagreement between Jamaat-e-Islami and the government would disappear. Indeed, at a meeting on 13 March, the Jamaat’s Majlis-e-Shura congratulated the government on the Objectives Resolution. Many also hoped that—remarkably, from 4 April 1949 his period of imprisonment was again extended for six months. Nevertheless, at its meetings on 6, 7, and 8 April, the Jamaat’s central Majlis-e-Shura expressed its desire for full cooperation with the government so that the work of framing a constitution based on the Objectives Resolution could proceed. But the fire of the government’s anger had still not been extinguished. They resolved to take full revenge on Maulana Maududi because they had been forced, against their will, by public pressure to accept the Objectives Resolution. On 4 October 1949, the government extended the Maulana’s imprisonment for a third time, by another six months. The reason for keeping the Maulana behind the iron curtain for so long, without trial or cause, was precisely that the leader of the Islamic movement had to be subdued in this way and his party and the Jamaat had to be destroyed.

The Role of the Islam-Averse Rulers after the Adoption of the Objectives Resolution

During these eight months, from October 1949 to May 1950, the Jamaat’s workers faced extremely difficult times. In accordance with the Objectives Resolution, they demanded the formulation of an Islamic constitution throughout Pakistan, hoping that the government might now release Maulana Maududi. Instead, they began a movement. Two books by Maulana Maududi from that period deserve special mention: “Formulation of an Islamic Constitution” and “The Fundamental Principles of an Islamic Constitution.” But the rulers began looking for excuses to obstruct an Islamic constitution. They began announcing in various ways that—

—Kashmir is in danger; therefore, it is impossible to formulate a constitution.

—Pakistan is now in danger; therefore, this is the time for jihad, not the time to formulate a constitution.

—The rule of the “mullahs” is not necessarily Islamic rule. Rather, any rule by Muslims is called Islamic rule.

—The Objectives Resolution was not framed according to the principles of the old, worn-out Islam; rather, it was framed according to the modern Islam of the West.

—It is unreasonable to formulate a constitution according to Islamic ideals for any progressive state of the modern age.

—If a state is established in the name of religious bigotry, the modern world will ridicule it.

Through organized and systematic efforts, and with irrefutable arguments and evidence, the workers of Jamaat-e-Islami continued to deliver a crushing response to the aforementioned propaganda of the anti-Islamic forces, and strong public support for an Islamic constitution began to develop throughout Pakistan.

The Maulana’s Release

It was no longer possible for the rulers to keep the pioneer of the Islamic movement and the revolutionary Islamic leader of the present age imprisoned within prison walls without any pretext. On 28 May 1950, the government released the Maulana because it was legally compelled to do so. After nineteen months and twenty-five days, Maulana Sayyid Abul A‘la Maududi emerged from behind the iron curtain and returned to the free air of the world. After his release, Jamaat-e-Islami again honored him with the office of Ameer.

For four months, from June to September after the Maulana’s release, the government tried to obstruct the way to an Islamic constitution by offering various misleading interpretations of the Objectives Resolution. But under the Maulana’s leadership, the Jamaat’s workers defeated all their efforts with irrefutable arguments and evidence, and placed the true objective of the Objectives Resolution before the people. The government was compelled to present the report of the Basic Principles Committee to the Constituent Assembly in September. Through this report, the true character of the Western-oriented ruling class became clear. It incorporated everything that was contrary to Islam, and had no compatibility whatsoever with the Objectives Resolution. Therefore, at a huge public meeting held at Muchidharja in Lahore on 14 October, Maulana Maududi vehemently condemned and protested against the report, and the government was compelled to withdraw the report and recommendations of the Basic Principles Committee. Thereafter, the government folded its hands and sat quietly. Some of the government’s Western-minded supporters, however, taunted the ulama and challenged them to present a draft Islamic constitution.

The United Demand of the Ulama

Accordingly, twenty-one renowned ulama from various parts of Pakistan accepted the challenge and assembled in Karachi on 21 January 1951. At their conference, they unanimously formulated twenty-two basic principles, submitted them to the government, and publicized them among the people. In reality, this was regarded as a powerful “exercise” in an Islamic constitution for Pakistan. Jamaat-e-Islami published the twenty-two basic principles presented by the ulama in large numbers and distributed them throughout the country. This defeated the government’s anti-Islamic efforts.

From then on, the movement for an Islamic constitution began in full force. But when the formulation of the constitution continued to be delayed despite this, Jamaat-e-Islami began a signature campaign on printed sheets containing nine demands. The nine demands were—

—Islamic Shariah alone shall be the true source of the country’s constitution.

—No law contrary to the Shariah may be enacted.

—All laws contrary to the Shariah must be repealed.

—It shall be the government’s duty to enjoin good and forbid evil.

—Civil rights may not be taken away without adjudication in a court.

—Every citizen shall have the right to seek justice in the country’s courts against the executive branch and government authorities.

—The executive branch may not interfere with the judiciary.

—The government must assume full responsibility for the five basic human needs: food, clothing, housing, education, and medical care.

—The Qadiani community must be declared a non-Muslim minority.

—The Ahmadi community must be declared a non-Muslim minority.

Apart from the signature campaign for these nine demands, a nationwide campaign was also conducted, individually and on behalf of associations and assemblies, by letters and telegrams, to demand the prompt formulation of an Islamic constitution. This campaign continued until the end of 1952.

That year, a deeply tragic event occurred in Pakistan. Pakistan’s Prime Minister, Mr. Liaquat Ali Khan, was assassinated by a gunman in Rawalpindi on 16 October 1951. As a consequence of the ominous satellite that had arisen in Pakistan’s political sky, this brutal assassination stained the history of Pakistan with darkness. In any event, after the late Liaquat Ali Khan, Khawaja Nazimuddin became Prime Minister of Pakistan.

That same year, on 21 November, a historic public meeting was held in Karachi at the initiative of Jamaat-e-Islami concerning the nine demands mentioned above. At this meeting, Jamaat-e-Islami’s Ameer, Maulana Sayyid Abul A‘la Maududi, declared in a resolute voice that if this draft constitution, like the previous one, was un-Islamic, the Islamic masses would throw that draft back in the faces of its authors. Subsequently, the rulers were stunned to see the long procession that emerged that day, bearing various placards and demanding the formulation of an Islamic constitution. This created such a reaction in Karachi that the government was compelled to yield and, in December at the end of the year, presented a draft constitution for the second time.

This time, a conference of thirty-one prominent ulama was held in Karachi in January 1953 to consider the constitutional recommendations. On 18 January, the ulama presented their highly reasoned proposals concerning the said draft constitution.

That same month, an all-party convention was convened in Karachi to declare the Qadianis a minority. Maulana Maududi also attended the convention. He strongly urged the convention that, rather than considering the Qadiani issue separately, it should be included within the constitutional movement itself.

Direct Action by the All-Party Convention

On 27 February 1953, a session of the executive committee of the All-Party Convention was held in Karachi. It decided to undertake “Direct Action,” or direct struggle, to compel the government regarding the Qadiani issue. At this session, the representative of Jamaat-e-Islami strongly opposed Direct Action and announced Jamaat-e-Islami’s withdrawal from the convention. The very next day, the leaders of “Direct Action” were arrested, and the direct struggle in Karachi ended in failure. In Punjab, however, it assumed a terrifying scale.

The disturbance that took place in Punjab, called the Punjab Disturbances in official language, is believed to have been provoked by the government of West Punjab. The main cause of the disturbance was that certain just demands of the people had been rejected. All the political and religious parties of Pakistan were represented in the All-Party Convention, including the Muslim League, Jamaat-e-Islami, Majlis-e-Ahrar, Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan, Jamiat Ahl-e-Hadith, Anjuman Tahaffuz-e-Huqooq-e-Shia, and others. The united demand of these parties was that the Qadianis be declared a minority community. One or two other minor demands of this kind were also demands of the people of Pakistan, because these organizations represented Muslims of every class throughout Pakistan. When the government refused to accept these demands, the decision was taken to undertake Direct Action, or direct struggle.

It has been stated above that this direct struggle did not take effect anywhere except Punjab. It probably would not have done so even in Punjab. But the Punjab government is believed to have made a grave error here. The Daulatana ministry was in power in Punjab. The direct struggle by a Muslim League organization against a Muslim League ministry apparently destroyed the mental balance of the Daulatana ministry. Thus, at the sight of a black shadow, it began to recoil in fear of a ghost. The disturbance continued from 4 to 6 March. From the very first day, the police began brutally lathi-charging and firing on the people. On the afternoon of 4 March, a disguised policeman appeared at a public meeting and announced that the police had beaten the people with batons at a certain place and had kicked apart and scattered the Qur’an Sharif tied around a man’s neck. He then showed the crowd some torn pages of the Qur’an. As a result, the crowd became extremely enraged. Ordinary people, workers, students, teachers, and even government-office employees expressed fierce protests against the government. In this way, the people were being intensely provoked against the government.

Another incident added fuel to this blazing fire. On that same day, continuous firing was carried out at the people from a jeep. An investigation revealed that several Qadianis had been riding in the jeep.

In this way, a raging wildfire against the government was ignited. But the disturbance could not continue for long. Martial law was imposed in Lahore on 6 March, and within a few hours the disturbance came to a complete halt.

At meetings of Jamaat-e-Islami’s central Majlis-e-Shura chaired by Maulana Maududi on 4 and 5 March, Direct Action was strongly condemned, its disastrous consequences were analyzed, and the people were urged to stay away from it. At this time, a booklet by Maulana Maududi entitled “The Qadiani Issue” was published. In this book, he analyzed the fundamental differences between Muslims and Qadianis and presented a peaceful and proper solution to the issue.

Maulana Maududi Sentenced to Death

On 28 March, the martial-law authorities suddenly arrested Maulana Maududi and other leaders of the Jamaat. No reason for the arrests was given.

Maulana Maududi and his colleagues Malik Nasrullah Khan Aziz and Mr. Naqi Ali were charged before a military court with spreading hatred among the people through the booklet “The Qadiani Issue” and rebelling against the government. On the same charges, the military court sentenced Maulana Maududi to be hanged on 8 May.

It is noteworthy here that although the author was sentenced to death for writing the booklet, the authorities did not dare confiscate it. While the trial was taking place before the military court, hundreds of copies of the booklet were being sold in Lahore itself. There was nothing anywhere in the booklet that could be considered objectionable in the eyes of the law. On the contrary, The Qadiani Issue condemned Direct Action. But the slaves of Western civilization and the enemies of Islam and Islamic law became engrossed in conspiring, by every means and stratagem, to remove the indomitable heroic soldier of the Islamic movement from the face of the earth. After the death sentence was announced, demands arose from Pakistan and abroad for its withdrawal, accompanied by strong condemnation of the government’s recklessness and shortsightedness. Such protests arose throughout the Muslim countries of the world that the chief martial-law officer cancelled the death sentence and sentenced the Maulana to fourteen years’ rigorous imprisonment.

The death sentence revealed Maulana Maududi’s extraordinary personality, his popularity throughout the Muslim world, and the magnificent, glorious example of sacrificing knowledge for Allah alone; this will remain an imperishable achievement in the history of Islam. The death sentence against him, followed by life imprisonment, did not discourage Jamaat-e-Islami; rather, it inspired its workers a hundredfold with the motivation of jihad and multiplied the institution’s progress. History teaches that throughout the ages and in every era, the Islamic movement has advanced after being struck by forces opposed to it. Whoever has tried to erect resistance before its irresistible, unyielding strength has been swept away in its powerful current, and their names and traces have been erased from the face of the earth.

It cannot be left unmentioned in this connection that a certain class of people opposed to Islam and an Islamic constitution falsely accuse Maulana Maududi of being chiefly responsible for the Qadiani riots in Punjab and claim that thousands of people were killed there at his instigation. We can proudly say that there is not the slightest falsehood or exaggeration in the continuous account of the constitutional movement discussed above. The foregoing discussion does not prove that Maulana Maududi was responsible for the riots in Punjab. Self-interested people have called them the “Qadiani riots”; but the first point is that they were not “Qadiani riots” at all, nor were thousands of people killed in them. The All-Party Convention demanded that the Qadianis be declared a non-Muslim minority. When the government refused to accept this demand, the convention adopted Direct Action against the government. In reality, this was a struggle between the government and the people. Martial law was imposed to suppress it, and eleven people were killed and forty-nine injured by military firing. (See the Munir Report, p. 1.)

Far from Maulana Maududi and Jamaat-e-Islami participating in this struggle, they opposed the All-Party Convention’s Direct Action and appealed to the people to refrain from it. Any conscientious and impartial person will openly acknowledge that the accusation against him was entirely malicious, baseless, and unfounded.

Nowhere in the Munir Report was the Maulana held responsible for this disturbance. Primary responsibility was assigned to the leaders of the now-defunct Ahrar Party, while other parties were also held directly and indirectly responsible. The amusing point is that a class of opportunistic, unprincipled political parties in the country formed their own parties with the leaders of the Ahrar Party and, to conceal their own misdeeds, blamed Maulana Maududi for the Punjab disturbance.

More amusing still is the fact that, in official language, the Punjab Disturbance took place in 1953. It was a struggle between the government and the people. Jamaat-e-Islami, and Maulana Maududi in particular, had not even the remotest connection with this disturbance.

On the other hand, the book The Qadiani Problem, for writing which the Maulana was sentenced to death, had no connection whatsoever with the Punjab disturbances. Islam’s reckless and blind enemies thus committed a grave error. The book for which he was sentenced to death was not confiscated; it never was, and it is still available in the market. There is not even a single line in it for which its author could receive the slightest punishment. Yet, even without any fault, one of Islam’s greatest advocates had to be eliminated overnight. Thus, a reason had to be produced. From the title The Qadiani Problem alone, Islam’s enemies assumed that it was a dangerous book. Perhaps, without reading it, they formed the notion that it contained incitement to exterminate the Qadianis. They did not even have time to read the book. It did not even occur to them to confiscate the book for which a death sentence was being imposed.

Certain individuals occupying the highest positions of power in the government of Pakistan at that time, concealing the disease in their hearts, sought to uproot the Islamic movement. They failed, and their concealed mentality was exposed. The Islamic movement did not die, nor did Maulana Maududi die. But the opponents met an ignominious death. Their ignominious death brings us no joy. Yet this is history’s ruthless judgment.

It is deeply regrettable that even twenty-five years after the Punjab riots, some people continue to abuse the Maulana as the killer of hundreds of Qadianis. There is no doubt that they suffer from an even more serious mental illness than the Pakistani rulers of that time. We feel pity for them. Therefore, we pray that this mental illness of theirs may be cured.

It is a cruel mockery of justice and fair dealing that none of those directly responsible for the Punjab disturbances was sentenced to death. Maulana Maududi’s only offense was that he had raised the demand for an Islamic constitution in Pakistan. Needless to say, the vested interests earnestly desired to remove him from the face of the earth overnight and thwart the Islamic movement. But Islam’s opponents probably did not know that Allah Ta‘ala grants victory in this very manner to His beloved servants and their party.

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“Allah is pleased with them, and they are pleased with Allah (amid hardship, persecution, and oppression). They belong to Allah’s party. So beware and remember: surely Allah’s party will be victorious.” Al-Mujadalah (22)

Maulana Maududi in the Death Cell

When a believing man bows his head in worship before Allah, the King of this world and the Hereafter, he was informed of his death warrant. Upon receiving the death sentence, there was no trace of fear or anxiety on the eyes or face of Allah’s beloved servant. With an untroubled face and a smile, he accepted the sentence of hanging with gratitude.

I wish to place before the readers the account of an eyewitness. Mr. Syed Naqi Ali, publisher and printer of the book The Qadiani Problem, said—

“On 8 May, we were praying Maghrib in the old tennis court of Dewani House. The Maulana was the imam. Excluding the prison warder and cook, there were five of us among the followers—Mian Tufail Muhammad, Maulana Amin Ahsan Islahi, Malik Nasrullah Khan Aziz, Chaudhury Muhammad Akbar, and myself. When we were in the second rak‘ah, the door suddenly opened, and then we heard the footsteps of several people. There was some whispering and the sound of people turning back.

No sooner had we concluded the sunnah prayer with salams than we again heard a banging sound. Several soldiers and prison employees were seen entering. One of them said, ‘Who is Maulana Syed Abul A‘la Maududi?’

The Maulana said calmly, ‘Here I am. Please speak.’

Government official: ‘For publishing two statements in the Tasnim newspaper, you have been sentenced to seven years’ rigorous imprisonment and Malik Nasrullah Khan Aziz to three years.’ Both of them replied, ‘All right, that is fine,’ and remained silent.

The official continued, ‘For composing the book The Qadiani Problem, Maulana Syed Abul A‘la Maududi has been sentenced to death, and its printer, Syed Naqi Ali, to nine years’ rigorous imprisonment.’

We both said, ‘All right, thank you,’ and remained silent.

The Maulana’s death sentence was completely unexpected. Yet there was no anxiety on anyone’s face. Our minds, however, filled with thoughts. We all looked toward the Maulana. We saw his calm and tranquil figure. His gaze held immense depth, like the unfathomable depth of the deep sea.

The official handed the Maulana a piece of paper and said—

Maulana, if you wish, you may petition for mercy within a week.

The Maulana silently took the paper with a faint smile. As the official was leaving, he said—

‘Maulana, get ready; you will have to go shortly.’

‘Where?’

‘To the death cell.’

‘I am ready.’

We then silently walked toward the room of Dewani House. As we went, we heard the official say—

‘Malik Nasrullah Khan Aziz and Syed Naqi Ali, you will also have to go. But—well, all right. We will take you tomorrow morning.’

Malik Sahib and I seemed not to hear him even though we did. The news of the Maulana’s death sentence had plunged us into such grief that we could focus on nothing else.

How much humiliation, persecution, and oppression the travelers of the path of truth endure on the world’s stage! We had all been granted the fortune of standing alongside the humble servants of the true faith and the men struggling on the path of truth. Our offense? Publishing The Qadiani Problem? That was merely being said to deceive the world. In reality, our offense was that we wished to use the combined strength of the nation and government in Pakistan for Islam. We had made establishing Allah’s religion the aim of our lives. That alone was our offense.

Yes, to return to what I was saying. The Maulana was truly being taken to the death cell. Such a scholar, held in immense esteem not only in Pakistan and India but throughout the Arab world, was now in the death cell? I wondered, could this really be true?

Was the heroic mujahid of the Islamic movement to be hanged today? Were the nation’s foolish leaders, who because of their stupidity did not want to see Islam triumph in Pakistan, now about to take this step?

Would the Islamic movement really be deprived of this great personality in its very infancy?

The Maulana’s calm, solemn, clear words continued to ring in my ears: ‘Remember that I have committed no offense. I will never ask them for mercy under any circumstances. No one on my behalf should ask for mercy—not my mother, not my brothers, not my wife, children, or relatives. This is also my request to the people of the Jamaat.’

Mian Tufail Muhammad Sahib opened the Maulana’s holdall and spread it out. We all began putting his belongings inside. The leather suitcase was arranged by the Maulana and me, because all these things had to be sent back to the Maulana’s home.

Meanwhile, a small bed was prepared to be sent with the Maulana to the death cell. A meal wrapped in cloth, the Noble Qur’an, and a lota and glass were also included.

I could not speak. My heart was trembling. My hands and feet were becoming stiff. The thought of the Maulana’s death sentence seemed to spread through every particle of my body like electricity. Tufail Sahib was in the same condition. Malik Nasrullah Khan Aziz paced with a grave, thoughtful expression, and indistinct prayers emerged from his lips. The condition of the eldest among us, Chaudhury Muhammad Akbar Sahib, was strange. He merely stood there, speechless and silent. Islahi Sahib sometimes paced and sometimes stopped abruptly. His suppressed emotion and agitation showed plainly on his face, which had taken on a crimson hue.

While tying up the bedding, I steeled myself and said once—

‘Maulana, the decision not to ask for mercy is your personal decision. There is no reason for the Jamaat to accept this decision. Whatever the people of the Jamaat decide after considering the circumstances outside, you must accept it.’

The Maulana said in his characteristic voice—

‘I consider this decision correct even from the Jamaat’s perspective. It is your duty to convey my decision to the leaders of the Jamaat.’

Meanwhile, a prison employee arrived. We were extremely calm, like the sea before a storm—calm and still.

But the Maulana? The heroic soldier of the Islamic movement and the path of truth, who had been declared worthy of the honor of martyrdom—the Maulana was utterly calm, composed, and steadfast.

The Maulana embraced each of us warmly. It was so sincere that it will remain in our memories forever.

We took some of his belongings, and the prison warder took the rest. We left the room and accompanied the Maulana as far as the door of Dewani House to bid him farewell. Then the storm that had gathered in our chests burst forth. Mian Tufail Sahib and I began sobbing, and when I returned, I fell prostrate in prayer.

Islahi Sahib, Malik Sahib, and Chaudhury Sahib had already fallen prostrate.

We all began praying to Allah in tears. The force of our weeping was uncontrollable, and the flood of tears was fierce and inexhaustible.

I do not know how long we remained that way. Suddenly, the warder’s heavy footsteps attracted our attention. We saw that he had brought back the Maulana’s clothes, food, utensils, shoes, and other things. He had also returned the Noble Qur’an. There was no place to keep the Qur’an in the death cell.

Maulana Islahi Sahib took the Maulana’s clothes from my hands and repeatedly kissed them, savoring their sweet touch on his eyes and chest. These were the clothes of a mujahid in Allah’s path, who was confined in the death cell, awaiting the drinking of the nectar of martyrdom.

Mian Tufail Sahib took the clothes from Maulana Islahi’s hands and pressed them to his face, eyes, and chest. The clothes became soaked with the tears of us all.

Why did we have this wholehearted love for him?

Was he a relative of ours?

Did we have any family connection with him?

Was this love and affection because we belonged to the same race and lineage?

Was it because we were inhabitants of the same country?

No, no—it was only because he was going to sacrifice his life in Allah’s path. It was our bond through Islam alone that made our love so historic and selfless.

The Maulana’s boundless love for Allah and his eager desire to sacrifice his life in Allah’s path left the world stunned. They also filled the prison employees with wonder and admiration, leaving behind a shining example in the history of Islam.

In the death cell, the Maulana was given trousers without a drawstring to wear. He asked the warder—

‘Brother, you forgot to provide a drawstring.’

The warder said—

‘Maulana, a drawstring is not given to a condemned prisoner. What if he used it to commit suicide?’

The Maulana said with a gentle smile—

‘Why, would one who is about to drink the cup of martyrdom wholeheartedly be so foolish as to commit suicide and go to Hell?’

The Maulana had no anxiety in the death cell. He had no worry about losing his life. There was no trace of the mark of distress on his face or eyes. Instead of the Noble Qur’an, he read the biography of Syed Ahmad Shaheed (may Allah have mercy on him), and fell asleep in complete comfort, as naturally as could be. There was no apparent difference between his sleep in his own home under normal circumstances and his sleep in the death cell.

Another priceless saying of the Maulana from this time is that, when his relatives, friends, and countless admirers became distraught upon hearing the sentence of hanging, he consoled them by saying—

‘The decision of life and death is made in Heaven, not on earth.’

What firm conviction! What unshakable courage!

Hear about the Maulana’s condition in the death cell from the Maulana himself. When asked about it, he said—

When the sentence of hanging was announced to me within the enclosure of Dewani House, and I was simultaneously given the right to petition for mercy within a week, three thoughts arose in my mind.

The first was that seeking mercy from an oppressor is contrary to my self-respect.

The second was: what should I seek pardon for? For the fact that I was being sent to Paradise? It is true that after serving the faith throughout one’s life, dying in some other manner does not offer as much certainty of attaining Paradise as dying a martyr’s death. So should I say, ‘Release me from Paradise’?

The third point was that if someone like me were to ask for mercy today, the sense of dignity would disappear from the hearts of the ordinary people of this country.

Therefore, I firmly instructed my friends that no one from my family or from the Jamaat should seek pardon on my behalf. Otherwise, I would never forgive them.

When I was taken to the death cell, I was deprived of all necessary articles. Everything was taken from me. Even my clothes were taken away and prison clothes were given to me. I was given trousers without a drawstring. At first I thought that they had perhaps forgotten it by mistake. But after asking, I learned that drawstrings were not given at all, because a prisoner might commit suicide with one out of despair. I was compelled to join the two front ends of the trousers and wear them that way. But they were not suitable for covering the awrah, and praying became extremely difficult. At first I wanted to keep the Noble Qur’an with me, but when I saw that there was nowhere to place it except on the floor where I slept, I returned it. What had been engraved in my heart remained with me.

In any case, after everyone had left, a warder came and heartily abused the government and the ministers. Then a second, third, and fourth came. Each of them departed after cursing the government.

At night, so much shouting and wailing began in the death cell that I could not sleep before two o’clock. Someone was calling out the name of some pious saint. Another was reciting poetry, while someone else kept muttering and babbling, ‘Maula, save us! Maula, save us!’

When the Maulana was asked what he thought about carrying out the death sentence, he said—

I thought that if there were no great public protest, then, judging by the government’s attitude, they would certainly carry out the hanging. If they were given the opportunity to take this step, it would be extremely disastrous. After that, religious work in this country would be halted for a long time. But if the public acted consciously, and if the government were once forced to retreat, then, God willing, it would have to keep retreating, and it would not be possible to block the path of the Islamic movement. This was a time of great trial by fire for the entire country.

On the second day, Sheikh Sultan Ahmad and Safdar Sahib came to visit with the boys. They again spoke to me about asking for pardon. I admonished them and told them not to seek pardon under any circumstances.

Then Mian Mahmud Ali Qasuri came. He too wished to offer his personal services for seeking pardon. I told him that I could not understand this at all.

The Maulana was asked whether there had been any particular hardship in the death cell. In reply, he said—

For one thing, the clothing was unsuitable and inadequate, and there was shouting and commotion. The second difficulty was that the very construction of the death cell was painful for prisoners in every season. It was a cramped room without light or air, with no means of protection from sun, rain, cold, or heat. Moreover, the food served in the death cell was of C-class quality—completely inedible.

On the third day, at about two in the afternoon, someone came running and said, ‘Maulana, congratulations! Your death sentence has been remitted.’ After that, people began arriving in groups to convey the news. Some time later, Maulana Niazi and I were taken out of there and brought to the hospital.

Reactions at Home and Abroad to the Death Sentence

It has been stated above that the Lahore Military Court first sentenced Maulana Syed Abul A‘la Maududi to death and later withdrew that sentence and sentenced him to fourteen years’ rigorous imprisonment. The tremendous protest that arose against this sentence, not only in Pakistan but throughout the Muslim world, has no parallel in the pages of history. Strikes, processions, meetings, and assemblies protesting this treatment of him were not confined to the major cities and capitals; the flames of protest blazed throughout the country’s smaller towns and rural areas as well. From remote villages to major cities, countless telegrams, letters, and resolutions gave voice to intense protest and condemnation. This worldwide protest was not displayed under the influence of any temporary excitement or emotional impulse. It was, in reality, a spontaneous expression of the Muslim world’s enduring respect for the Maulana. It did not flare up like a bubble on water and suddenly disappear. These protests continued uninterrupted for five months. Even those who had witnessed various protests during the eras of the Khilafat and Congress movements openly acknowledged that such protest, sincere sympathy, grief, and anguished appeals had never before been seen.

It is worth noting that these protests were not made out of ordinary courtesy or for show. Every moment of the silent nights and busy days testified that not only men, but also veiled women, had become heartbroken, grief-stricken, and disturbed. In the depths of night, their prayer mats for tahajjud were soaked with tears. The Muslim world regarded the death sentence, followed by life imprisonment, of this undefeated hero of the Islamic movement as a great tragedy. For this reason, leaders of Arab countries, Egypt, Iraq, Syria, Morocco, Algeria, Indonesia, and other Muslim countries strongly protested. Editorials in newspapers in those countries condemned the conduct of the Pakistani government and demanded the Maulana’s immediate release.

The editors of the following newspapers in Pakistan also submitted a memorandum of protest:

Karachi: Daily Jang, Daily Anjam, Daily Millat, Times of Karachi, Daily Imroz, Daily Al-Muntazar, Daily Iqbal, Daily Asr-e-Jadid, Daily Musalman, Daily Naya Roshni, Daily Shabnam, Daily Watan, Daily Nayi Sindh, Al-Waheed, Maqasid, weekly Jahan-e-Nau, fortnightly Nimkadan, monthly Faran, monthly Riyaz, monthly Mushir, monthly Chiragh-e-Rah, fortnightly Students’ Voice, monthly Kaleem, and others.

Dhaka: Daily Pasban, Azad, Angara, Sitara, Morning News, weekly Al-Qa’id (English), The Mail, weekly Dainik, and Nizam-e-Islam.

Lahore: Daily Pakistan Times, Daily Imroz, Daily Afaq, Daily Nawa-e-Waqt, Daily Ihsan, weekly Kandeel, Daily Hilal-e-Pakistan, Daily Safina, Civil and Military Gazette, Daily Asar, monthly Khadim-ul-Haramain, monthly Arif, monthly Al-Jamia, monthly Islamic Life, monthly Muslim, monthly Adabi Duniya, weekly Iqdam, weekly Karwan,

Bahawalpur: Insaf, Kainat, Ilham, Al-Imam, Azam, Rahbar, Parwaz, Difa, Rafiq, Naya Daur, Karwan, Tabligh, and Nawa-e-Bahawalpur.

Quetta: Mizan, Pasban, Nara-e-Haq, Maqasid, Hilal, Khurshid, Tarjuman Rahbar-e-Niswan, Bachuka Shaheen, Times, Muallim, Dushman, Pukar, Nawa-e-Baluchistan, Niswan-e-Duniya, Nawa-e-Watan, Payam-e-Jadid, Sadaqat, and Karwan Tameer-e-Baluchistan.

In addition, foreign newspapers also lodged strong protests—

As-Sijil—Baghdad, Ikhwanat-e-Islamia—Baghdad, Ad-Da‘wah—Cairo, Member ash-Sharq—Cairo.

Students from Muslim countries studying in England and Muslims residing in England lodged protests with Pakistan’s Prime Minister, Mr. Muhammad Ali of Bogra, warning the Pakistani government against imposing the death sentence on the Maulana and demanding his immediate release.

The Grand Mufti of Palestine, Al-Hajj Muhammad Amin al-Husseini; the murshid of the Muslim Brotherhood, Sheikh Hasan al-Hazemi; the advocate of Jamia Al-Azhar, Muhammad Abdul Latif Daraz; and the president of the Jamiat Shabbanul Muslimin, Muhammad Saleh Hereb, stated the following in a joint telegram to the Governor-General and Prime Minister of Pakistan:

“All Muslims who cherish love and goodwill toward Pakistan have been deeply distressed by the death sentence passed on Maulana Sayyid Abul A’la Maududi. I hope that the Government of Pakistan will act wisely and withdraw the death sentence imposed on our distinguished Maududi Sahib.”

The Mujtahid al-Azam of Iran’s Shi’ite community, His Eminence Imam Muhammad al-Khalisi, and the supreme leader of Iraq’s Ahl al-Sunnah wal-Jama’ah, Allama Amjad al-Zahabi, sent a joint telegram to the following statesmen, urging them to pressure the Government of Pakistan for Maulana Maududi’s release:

The Second Amir Faisal—Baghdad; Sultan ibn Saud—Saudi Arabia; Allama Ayatollah Kashani—Iran; Dr. Mossadegh, former Prime Minister—Iran; the Prime Minister of Iraq; the Prime Minister of Egypt; General Naguib; Shaykh al-Azhar Hasan al-Hazimi; and the Grand Mufti of Palestine. They also sent similar telegrams to the Governor-General and Prime Minister of Pakistan.

Allama Isa Ansari, the Mujahid al-Azam of Indonesia, stated on behalf of Indonesia’s sixty Islamic parties:

“Maulana Maududi is a trust of the world. If Pakistan has no need of him, the Islamic world does. We Muslims of Indonesia fully support him and believe that the Muslim world today needs his ideas.”

Moreover, among the Pakistani leaders who lodged protests and demanded the Maulana’s release, the following names deserve special mention: Pakistan’s former Prime Minister Khawaja Nazimuddin, Mr. M. Gazdar, Mr. Hussain Imam, Maulana Zafar Ahmad Usmani, Pir Ghulam Muhyiddin Sirhindi, Maulana Akram Khan, Maulana Din Muhammad Khan, Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani, and Maulana Ragib Ahsan.

In short, the anti-Islamic forces that had sought to eliminate the Maulana overnight and thwart the Islamic movement were indeed compelled to bow before the angry gaze of the Muslim world, but, unable to suppress their long-accumulated hatred toward the Maulana, they sought consolation by sentencing him to fourteen years of rigorous imprisonment.

The Maulana’s Release

A forceful demand for the Maulana’s unconditional release arose not only from Pakistan but throughout the Muslim world, and its details have been given earlier. The government eventually reduced the fourteen-year sentence to three and a half years. Thereafter, owing to a constitutional confusion in Pakistan, the Maulana was released after two years and nine months. The constitutional confusion was this: toward the end of 1958, Pakistan’s then Prime Minister, Muhammad Ali of Bogra, the late, had announced that on December 25 of that same year, the Quaid-e-Azam’s birthday, he would present the nation with an Islamic constitution.

Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad was suffering intense anguish because he had not seen Maulana Maududi hanging from the gallows. Then the Prime Minister’s announcement of an Islamic constitution rubbed salt into his wound. Thus, in a fury, he dissolved Pakistan’s Constituent Assembly.

As a result, a constitutional deadlock arose in the country. With the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, all laws and regulations became void.

Meanwhile, an application for habeas corpus was filed in the High Court seeking the grounds for the Maulana’s detention. But before the hearing began, the government announced his unconditional release.

The Maulana’s Visit to East Pakistan

After the Maulana’s release from the gallows and life imprisonment, the Muslim world offered thanks at the court of God. Since the people of East Pakistan had never seen the Maulana, they began longing to meet him. Moreover, a visit by the Maulana to East Pakistan had become urgently necessary.

At this time, a new constitutional crisis arose once again in East Pakistan. After the Governor-General dissolved the Constituent Assembly, a talented cabinet consisting of military and civilian personnel was formed. The late Shaheed Suhrawardy was appointed Law Minister. Thereafter, a conspiracy was undertaken to impose an un-Islamic and undemocratic constitution on the people through a convention and ordinances. But after the Federal Court declared the formation of the convention contrary to the constitutional order, the Governor-General and the talented cabinet were compelled to hold elections to the Constituent Assembly in May 1955. Following these elections, Chaudhry Muhammad Ali was elected Prime Minister. He was earnestly committed to framing an Islamic constitution for the country. But in the Constituent Assembly, the late Shaheed Suhrawardy, leader of the Awami League, and the Congress leaders became a formidable obstacle to the framing of an Islamic constitution. Suhrawardy Sahib had strongly advocated the removal of Khawaja Nazimuddin Sahib and, ultimately, the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly in order to close the way to an Islamic constitution in this country. Later, while serving as Law Minister in the talented cabinet, Suhrawardy Sahib’s hope of imposing an anti-democratic and secular constitution on the nation through a convention was also extinguished. Therefore, to prevent the re-elected Constituent Assembly from preparing an Islamic constitution, he formed a powerful anti-Islamic front with members of the Hindu Congress. Thus, it became necessary to intensify the mass movement in order to foil their political stratagem and create a favorable environment for an Islamic constitution.

After Maulana Maududi was released from prison, he came to East Pakistan for the first time on January 24, 1956. He stayed here for a month and a half and visited almost every district town and notable sub-divisional town. On this occasion, he addressed several hundred thousand people, presented the message of Islam, explained the necessity of an Islamic constitution, answered hundreds of questions, and granted personal audiences to hundreds of people. In this way, he strengthened the demand for an Islamic constitution in the eastern part of Pakistan as well. Moreover, he gained firsthand knowledge of all the internal problems, needs, and grievances of this province.

Toward the end of his tour, on March 4, at a workers’ conference of Jamaat-e-Islami in the Dhaka District Board Hall, Maulana Maududi delivered an extensive discussion, chiefly concerning all the problems and grievances of East Pakistan and the sound way to resolve them. A Bengali translation of this address was published as a booklet under the title “The Problems of East Pakistan and Their Solution.”

Maulana Maududi discussed several complex problems of the people of East Pakistan in detail and also presented their solutions. He identified the actual causes of the serious grievances of the people of East Pakistan and shed light on them.

Regarding the misguided course being followed by the immigrants in East Pakistan, he remarked:

“A large proportion of those who came here as government employees have not played any particularly commendable role. Sitting in the Englishmen’s chairs, they have come to regard themselves as Englishmen. They have adopted the policy that the English followed in ruling over another nation. They did not consider that they had assumed responsibility for governing and serving their own country and their own people. If their objective was to imitate the English, then it was their duty to follow the policies prevalent in England. In fact, this is the principal reason why the people of East Pakistan have begun to believe that they have been turned into a colony.”

(The Problems and Solution of East Pakistan, p. 5)

The Maulana’s Warning to Outsiders

Regarding outside businessmen, he made the following comment:

“We are grateful to the outside businessmen and factory owners for taking charge of the industries and commerce here. But they should have regarded this country as their own country and this nation as their own nation, tried to help their underdeveloped brothers and develop them, helped them advance in the fields of industry and commerce, spent the money earned here here itself to alleviate their hardship, established suitable institutions for their welfare and development, and provided appropriate assistance in times of their difficulties and disasters. It is a matter of great sorrow that many among them were not conscious of this duty.” (See the aforementioned booklet, pp. 7–8.)

The Language Problem

The clear opinion expressed by the Maulana regarding the Bengali language movement and the language problem of East Pakistan is given below:

“The language problem was the first important matter. In fact, there had never been any feeling of hostility toward the Urdu language in East Pakistan. On the contrary, among the educated people here there was particular interest in its necessity. The common people here held Urdu speakers in very high esteem. To this day, after Arabic, Urdu also enjoys a certain religious status. But if it were adopted as the sole national and state language, it would have become a serious difficulty for the people here, because even the educated people here do not know Urdu. Consequently, they feared that in every field they would fall behind educated Urdu speakers. It was in view of this situation that the Bengali-speaking people demanded that Bengali also be made an official language alongside Urdu. If the seriousness of the situation had been properly understood and this demand accepted on the very first day, it would have demonstrated wisdom. But in practice, precisely the opposite was done. On the one hand, an attempt was made to suppress it through a policy of repression, while on the other hand voices were repeatedly raised against it from West Pakistan. For this reason, the demand for Bengali ceased to remain a solvable problem and assumed the form of an ideology and an emotional movement, and this is its natural consequence. For if, in response to a demand, one says, ‘It will not be granted,’ then the reply, ‘We will secure it at any cost,’ will inevitably be raised. Exactly this happened in the matter under discussion.”

The Problem of Government Employment

In the speech he delivered at the Dhaka DB Hall, Maulana Maududi also expressed the sentiments of the people of East Pakistan regarding government employment.

He said:

“The second problem is the problem concerning government employment. There is no doubt that under British rule the Muslims were extremely backward in the matter of employment. Their proportional representation in the higher posts was virtually nil. Of course, it was not easy to correct at once the wrong committed by the British and Hindus over two hundred years. But after the establishment of Pakistan, the Muslims of the eastern region naturally hoped that they would be given opportunities for advancement. Sadly, this hope was not fulfilled. The bitterness that has arisen among the youth of East Pakistan on this matter is entirely justified. It is extremely regrettable that government employees have the attitude of trying to get their own relatives appointed wherever they have influence. At the very least, influential people of high standing should have remained free of this injustice. It was their duty to try to improve the condition of their neglected and underdeveloped Muslim brothers in Bengal, so that they too could have the opportunity to participate equally in serving the country. But sadly, extreme negligence has been shown in this matter. Indeed, because of this neglect, a general grievance has arisen in East Pakistan.” (See the aforementioned booklet, pp. 14–15.)

The Problem of National Defense

The most painful problem of East Pakistan was the security problem. Regarding this, the Maulana said:

“An even more important question is employment in the armed forces. In this matter, the policy of the central government is truly objectionable. To this day, the notion from the British period still prevails here that only a ‘martial race’ is suitable for service in the armed forces. The result has been that military service has become a monopoly of people from a particular region. Not only are the people of East Pakistan denied any significant share of the military budget’s financial benefits, but they are also denied any significant share in other essential aspects of military training.

I do not know whether, in the eyes of our people in power, the inhabitants of Ceylon, Burma, Syria, Indonesia, and the Philippines, and such countries, are considered martial peoples. If they are not, then either they should be deprived of the ability to defend their countries, or military personnel should be summoned from elsewhere to form their armies. And if these countries are capable of defending themselves, in what respect are the people of East Pakistan inferior to them that they should be declared unfit for service in the armed forces? The importance of this matter does not end there. Rather, it is a matter of life and death for Pakistan. More than half the population of this country lives in such a small area that three of its sides lie within the sphere of Hindustan. It has to defend a frontier of approximately fourteen hundred miles. It seems unlikely that any assistance could be provided to it from West Pakistan during wartime. If the inhabitants here cannot defend their own country and are not trained to become capable in every respect for this purpose, they will never feel secure. You can never reassure them by telling them that, in wartime, the western region will defend the eastern region. For this means that first the eastern region will be violated by the enemy, and then you will put pressure from the western region to drive the enemy out. This is nothing but a mistaken outlook, and it is the principal reason for the discontent of the people of East Pakistan.”

(See the aforementioned booklet, pp. 15–16.)

After military rule ended and political parties began to function lawfully, a three-day conference of Jamaat-e-Islami was held in Rangpur city. At the public meeting organized on November 18, 1962, on the occasion of this conference, the Maulana said:

“I said many times before military rule, and I say again today, that East Pakistan must be fully prepared for the defense of the country.”

The Maulana’s foregoing speech clearly proves that he regarded every inch of Pakistan’s territory and all its inhabitants as his own. Provincialism or language-based narrowness never touched his heart. In addition to a complete sense of Islamic brotherhood, a broad humanism was a characteristic of the Maulana’s character. He felt equal concern for Pakistan’s various regional problems. For this reason, he could never ignore any of them.

He expressed this beautifully in the speech he delivered that day at the Dhaka DB Hall. He said:

“Pakistan is like my body and soul. Just as I cannot distinguish between my two hands, likewise I cannot distinguish between the two parts of Pakistan. If either of my hands becomes ill, that is an illness of my entire body. It is my duty to investigate its cause and arrange the proper treatment. To fail to do so means being hostile to oneself.”

After the Adoption of the Islamic Constitution

As a result of the sincere efforts and tireless labor of Pakistan’s Prime Minister Chaudhry Muhammad Ali, an Islamic constitution was drafted and adopted in Pakistan. On February 29, 1956, the Constituent Assembly passed the Islamic constitution. The Governor-General signed it on March 2, and it came into force on March 23. Needless to say, when this constitution was adopted, the late Suhrawardy Sahib boycotted the Constituent Assembly along with the members of his Awami League party and the Congress members. Although the Islamic constitution had been adopted, a reactionary movement arose from the country’s anti-Islamic circles against the following several provisions.

(1) Naming the state the Islamic Republic,

(2) Requiring the head of state to be a Muslim

(3) Not enacting laws contrary to the Qur’an and Sunnah,

(4) Prohibiting alcohol, gambling, adultery, and the like.

When an Islamic constitution for Pakistan was adopted—although it was not entirely free of defects from the perspectives of Islam and democracy—the anger of some people fell entirely upon Maulana Maududi. Then accusations and criticism against the Maulana began. The most baseless and regrettable accusation against him was that he had occupied the office of Amir of Jamaat-e-Islami from the beginning without an election.

To prove that the Maulana had never been desirous of leadership, he willingly resigned from the office of Amir. He further announced that, because of his long imprisonment, after his resignation Chaudhry Ghulam Muhammad Sahib would be temporarily elected Amir, and preparations for the election of an Amir would continue in accordance with the constitution.

For this purpose, a week-long members’ conference of Jamaat-e-Islami was held in February 1957 at Machhigote, within the princely state of Bahawalpur. The humble author was also fortunate enough to attend this conference. More than eight hundred Jamaat members from various regions of Pakistan attended. The proceedings of the conference concluded in a completely peaceful, decorous, and exceptionally pure atmosphere. At this conference, the election of a new Amir of Jamaat-e-Islami was held. It was found that all but four of the more than eight hundred electors had voted for Maulana Maududi by secret ballot for the office of Amir. Thus, the Maulana could not avoid the responsibility spontaneously entrusted to him by all. He once again assumed the office of Amir.

At this conference, the Maulana delivered a highly reasoned and scholarly speech lasting six hours on Jamaat-e-Islami’s future course of action. This speech has become one of Jamaat-e-Islami’s priceless assets. It was published in book form under the title “The Future Program of the Islamic Movement.”

Meanwhile, the political sky of Pakistan grew stormy. Iskander Mirza replaced Ghulam Muhammad as Governor-General and later became President of Pakistan. The constitution emphasized expediting general elections throughout Pakistan, but the electoral method was not determined. In the face of the fierce opposition of the Awami League and Congress, passing any kind of Islamic constitution had itself been extremely difficult. Therefore, there was no opportunity to discuss whether the joint-electorate system or the separate-electorate system would be used. The anti-Islamic circles now found a golden opportunity to thwart the Islamic constitution. They were convinced that if a joint electorate of Muslims and non-Muslims could be introduced, pro-Islamic people would have very little chance of winning elections. Consequently, the Islamic constitution, or its Islamic provisions, could easily be changed.

The only decision reached regarding the electoral method was that, following the recommendations of the two provincial assemblies, the National Assembly would make the final decision on the matter. The West Pakistan Assembly recommended separate electorates. A meeting of the National Assembly was announced for February 1958 in Dhaka. It was also announced that the final decision regarding the electoral method would be taken at that meeting.

The Maulana in East Pakistan for the Second Time

It is undeniable that in a country where Muslims and non-Muslims live together, the Islamic social system and Islamic values depend upon separate electorates. Muslims will separately elect their national leaders, and similarly non-Muslims will elect their national leaders. Since the Muslims, consisting only of Muslims, are a distinct nation, it was this theory of nationhood that gave birth to Pakistan. Just as a joint electorate of all communities, Muslims and non-Muslims alike, destroys Pakistan’s ideal, it also eliminates the national hopes and aspirations of the Muslims.

An Awami League ministry was in power in East Pakistan. No one was unaware of the Awami League’s attitude toward Islam. Therefore, Jamaat-e-Islami, the Nizam-e-Islam Party, and the Muslim League began a joint effort to build public opinion in favor of separate electorates in East Pakistan. For this purpose, a public meeting was arranged at Dhaka’s Paltan Maidan. But an armed gang appointed by the government attacked the venue and brutally assaulted and felled many leading figures. The provincial government, which claimed to champion democracy, rejoiced in the pride of victory over this deed opposed to democracy and humanity.

At this time, in 1958, Maulana Maududi came to East Pakistan for the second time. His itinerary was arranged for every district town and prominent sub-divisional town. On February 21, thousands of people eagerly awaited the Maulana’s arrival at Rangpur Station to give him a warm welcome. But an extraordinary and astonishing event occurred in the history of democracy. While the Maulana’s train was on its way to Rangpur, instructions were handed to him on behalf of the provincial government. They announced that, owing to the fear of a breach of the peace, the Maulana would not be permitted to alight from the train in Rangpur city. The public meeting was also prohibited. The East Pakistan Awami League government established a new record in the history of democracy.

The crowd at Rangpur Station was bursting into protest. It seemed as though a great catastrophe might occur. When the train stopped at the station, the Maulana stood at the train door, accepted the people’s respectful welcome, and said in an extremely calm and gentle voice, “I have always favored obeying the law. I request you to maintain the law and order of the country. If Allah wills, I shall come to your city to serve you another day.” [On November 18, 1962, Maulana Maududi delivered his valuable speech to a huge gathering in Rangpur city, fulfilling the long-standing hopes of the people of Rangpur.]

The scene on the platform at Rangpur Station that day still floats before the author’s eyes. After the Maulana’s very brief speech, all the anger and excitement of the crowd directed at the government vanished like bubbles. A powerful urge to weep rose to their throats, moistened both eyes with tears, and departed in the form of a faint, dry smile. It seemed that a plan for bloodshed had somehow been drawn up, and because it had been shattered, an invisible hand had stabbed Satan in the chest. The train carrying the Maulana moved onward. The crowd returned toward the city with broken hearts.

Thereafter, the Maulana delivered speeches at public meetings in Saidpur, Thakurgaon, Dinajpur, Bogra, Rajshahi, and Pabna.

In this way, after addressing public meetings in every district town and many subdivision towns of the country, the Maulana returned to Dhaka. But, ignoring the united demand of the people, the National Assembly imposed the joint-electorate system on the nation in the dormant atmosphere of the late night.

At the end of March, a three-day conference of Jamaat-e-Islami was held in Dhaka. The Maulana participated in the conference. On the final day, a mixed procession of Jamaat-e-Islami workers and the public, a mile long, gathered at Paltan Maidan after passing through various main streets of the city. Demonstrations were held against the provincial and central governments in opposition to undemocratic measures contrary to the hopes and aspirations of the Muslim masses. The Maulana then addressed the public meeting at Paltan. Happily, the miscreants did not dare disrupt the order of the meeting.

The Maulana’s Travels Abroad

In June 1956, Maulana Sayyid Abul A‘la Maududi set out for the Middle East to attend the second session of the Mu’tamar al-‘Alam al-Islami held in Damascus. He could not attend its first session because at that time he was serving a life sentence. At this session of the Mu’tamar, delegates from across the Muslim world openly praised the Maulana’s Islamic services. The Maulana presided over one of the sessions of the Mu’tamar. By unanimous consent, he was elected chairman of the institution’s Committee for Tabligh and Islamic Da‘wah.

After the session of the Mu’tamar al-‘Alam al-Islami ended, the Maulana travelled through various countries of the Middle East. He performed Hajj on this occasion and came into direct contact with many learned and thoughtful scholars of the Muslim world.

When the Maulana reached Beirut on his way to Damascus, the workers and leaders of ‘Ibad al-Rahman, an organization of the Islamic movement in Lebanon, along with the city’s distinguished people, gave him a grand reception at the airport. The scouts of ‘Ibad al-Rahman presented him with a guard of honor. From them it became known that the Maulana’s writings were widely circulated among them, and that everyone was well acquainted with Maulana Maududi and Jamaat-e-Islami.

When crossing the Syrian border, the Maulana and his companions’ luggage was allowed through without inspection. An employee at the checkpoint said that the Syrian government had instructed them to give the Maulana a cordial reception on behalf of the government and the nation. Ten or twelve miles from Damascus, the city’s distinguished people had long been waiting for the Maulana’s arrival with a large motorcade to welcome him. The Maulana entered Damascus in a royal reception accompanied by a huge procession. Later, at an afternoon civic reception, in addition to the city’s prominent citizens, Syria’s Secretary of Justice, the President of Parliament, and the Secretary of the Interior attended.

On this occasion it became known that the Maulana’s writings had reached Sudan in large quantities and were also reaching other parts of the Arab world. Mr. Makkiun Naseri, leader of Morocco’s Islamic party, obtained permission to publish the Maulana’s writings in Tangier as well as in Damascus. He said that he planned to publish the Maulana’s writings in Arabic and circulate them widely in Morocco, Tunisia, and Algeria.

Dispelling Misconceptions about Pakistan

During this journey, Maulana Maududi had the opportunity to render a great service to his country. Until then, the Arab countries had held an unfavorable view of Pakistan. They had been misled by Indian propaganda. Through his journey, the Maulana dispelled this misconception. He also criticized Arab nationalism and demonstrated its fallacies. He told them that the sole basis of relations between Pakistan and the Arab countries was Islam. He further said that, just as Israel was an enemy of the Arabs, India was Pakistan’s greater enemy, because India had unjustly occupied a large part of Kashmir. The Maulana said that India had recognized the state of Israel, whereas Pakistan had not. He asked: under these circumstances, if the Arab countries established friendship with India instead of Pakistan, what could they expect from Pakistan? Throughout his travels in the Middle East, the Maulana conducted this kind of advocacy about Pakistan in his discussions with the Arabs. The Arabs sadly remarked that Pakistan had not been truly represented in the Arab countries.

When the Maulana returned from Damascus, the Syrian government again bade him farewell with the greatest honor. The Secretary of Transport accompanied him to the station and offered him a final farewell greeting. Government transport was arranged for the Maulana as far as the Syrian border.

King Hussein Shah of Jordan invited the Maulana, and there he had to address a public meeting. At the meeting, the Maulana had to answer various questions concerning the Islamic way of life, Jamaat-e-Islami, its literature, and translations of these works into Arabic. The Maulana explained Pakistan’s foreign policy, and the audience expressed satisfaction with his answers. The Maulana said that although the Arab countries were twenty times larger than Israel, they did not consider it objectionable to seek Russia’s help to escape its attacks. If Pakistan sought America’s help to escape attacks by India, which was four times more powerful than Pakistan, why would that be objectionable? Yet Pakistan had always remained a supporter of the Arabs.

A special delegation came from Aleppo to receive the Maulana. He then travelled to Aleppo with Morocco’s leader Makkiun Naseri and Algeria’s leader Muhammad al-Ghaibi. He was given a heartfelt welcome everywhere along the way as well. Before reaching each city or town, citizens welcomed the Maulana with a motorcade ten or twelve miles outside the city.

In Homs and Hama, the Ikhwan youth welcomed the Maulana by reciting poetry and applauding, in accordance with ancient Arab custom. The spontaneous joy and sincerity of the young men greatly pleased and moved the Maulana.

Many young men from Syria’s military departments met the Maulana. They said that they had read many of his books and that the government imposed no restrictions on reading them. On learning this, the Maulana was deeply saddened inwardly that, in his own country, his writings were consequently prohibited to members of the military. Possessing any of the Maulana’s books was considered a grave offense among them.

Everyone in Saudi Arabia who had read the Maulana’s books came to meet him, and they exchanged views on various matters.

Emigrants from Russian Turkestan met the Maulana and related to him accounts of the extreme persecution they had suffered at the hands of the Russian government. One of their scholars translated several of the Maulana’s works into Turkish.

Many Muslims from occupied Kashmir described their suffering and hardship to the Maulana and continued to pray to Allah, weeping in the Haram Sharif.

Many Muslims from Turkey met the Maulana after much searching. They learned that Maulana Maududi would come to perform Hajj that year. After searching for him in Mecca without finding him, they eventually met him in Medina. When they expressed their desire to translate the Maulana’s writings into Turkish, he gladly gave them permission.

Military Rule in Pakistan

An Islamic constitution had been adopted and put into effect in Pakistan, and under the new constitution general elections for the National and Provincial Assemblies were to be held throughout the country in February 1959. But, tormented by the Islamic constitution, the anti-Islamic elements—from the head of state down to the provincial level—could not sleep. To sabotage the Islamic constitution, Head of State Iskander Mirza began playing a game of dismissing and forming cabinets at the center. The powerless parties began employing various tactics to win the forthcoming elections. In the name of preventing disturbances during the elections, the ruling party began appointing thousands of special police from among its own men. As in the past, plans were initiated to use government employees to cross the electoral river. In the name of the forthcoming elections, a reign of terror was established throughout the country.

Maulana Maududi was deeply aware of this situation. To express his views on it, a public meeting was arranged on October 6 at Mochi Gate in Lahore. In his speech, after analyzing the situation in the country and warning the nation, the Maulana said that because of the power hunger and shortsightedness of Pakistan’s ruling class, the bureaucracy here had risen up aggressively. If the ruling party and the public did not correct their mistakes even now, the grave of democracy would be built in this country, and a palace of bureaucracy would be erected over it.

Needless to say, the Maulana’s statement was true to the letter. Pakistan’s bureaucracy was looking for an opportunity. The central and provincial cabinets had seemingly become puppets dancing to the head of state’s tune. The hooliganism of East Pakistan reached the Assembly chamber. This was the golden opportunity for the power-hungry bureaucracy.

On the very night when Maulana Maududi was warning the nation at the public meeting at Mochi Gate, martial law was proclaimed in the country in the last watch of that night. In the darkness of that night, Iskander Mirza won the game he had been playing all these years. He smashed the long-desired and painstakingly achieved constitution and imposed on the country the massive burden of martial law, or rather bureaucratic rule. All political parties in the country and their activities were banned.

The Maulana in the Middle East for the Second Time

Several years had passed since the Maulana’s journey to Saudi Arabia and the Middle East. As a result of that journey, his relations with the Islamic public and leaders of those countries had deepened. They wished to see the Maulana among them every year.

Martial law was in force in Pakistan. All political activity had ceased. Jamaat-e-Islami also had no activity. This was therefore a highly suitable time for the Maulana to travel abroad.

In October 1959, the Maulana went to the Middle East for the second time. This journey was undertaken purely to acquire knowledge, visit historical sites, and especially gain firsthand experience of Ard al-Qur’an, that is, the places mentioned in the Qur’an. The Maulana considered it necessary to see Ard al-Qur’an with his own eyes for his world-renowned tafsir Tafhim al-Qur’an.

During this journey too, the Maulana was treated with special brotherly warmth everywhere. The Arab governments made special arrangements to facilitate his journey with great eagerness. The sincere hospitality shown to the Maulana by Saudi Arabia and Jordan can never be forgotten. During his travels, whenever possible, the Maulana strongly denounced Arab nationalism and tried to correct this erroneous ideology. In his discussions, he presented the Arabs with Pakistan’s true position and actual condition. The Maulana told them in unequivocal terms:

“Your relationship with us is solely through Islam. If you stand with Islam, billions of Muslims throughout the world will stand behind you. But if, instead of Islam, you adopt unbelief and ignorance, then not only the other Muslims of the world, but even the Arab Muslims, will abandon you.”

The Maulana further said,

“I believe that the current of nationalism, atheism, and sinfulness flowing through the Arab countries has a single source. These three are deeply interconnected. Those who carry the banner of Arab nationalism are the same people who carry the banners of atheism and rebellion against God.”

The Maulana’s second journey to the Middle East proved quite promising. Compared with his first journey, his books were now better known and more highly regarded in the Arab countries. The governments of those countries also treated the Maulana with greater sincerity, hospitality, and brotherly warmth than before. At public gatherings, colleges, and gatherings of the educated in various places, the Maulana clearly expressed his message and mission through speeches and gave satisfactory answers to various questions. Through this, the educated classes became closely acquainted with the Maulana. It became known that the Maulana’s powerful writings were influencing some minds against Arab nationalism. In short, the Maulana’s second journey to the Middle East was fully successful.

The Maulana spent more than three months on this journey in order to make Tafhim al-Qur’an, the revolutionary tafsir of the Qur’an written for future generations, authoritative, reliable, and appealing. Among the historical sites he visited, the following are particularly noteworthy.

Diriyah, which had been the center of the movement of Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab of Najd; Aqrabah, where the false claimant to prophethood, Musaylimah, was defeated by Khalid ibn al-Walid; the residence of Ayyub al-Ansari; Saqifah Bani Sa‘idah; Mu’tah; Yarmuk; Shumaisi, the site of the Treaty of Hudaybiyyah; the birthplace of the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him); Dar al-Arqam; the Valley of Abu Talib; Jabal al-Nur; the cave; Mount Sat­tah; the ruins of Ta’if; Masjid al-Khayf; Jabal al-Rahmah at Uhud, where the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him) stationed fifty archers to keep watch; Khaybar; the remains of Mada’in Salih; Tabuk; Aqabah, where the Companions of the Sabbath used to fish; the valley of Moses; Mount Moses; the place where Aaron worked; and others. The result of the Maulana’s research and educational journey was that attractive photographs of these sites and ruins were incorporated into Tafhim al-Qur’an. The latest information concerning the matters described in the original text of the Holy Qur’an was also collected.

The Maulana’s Contribution to the University of Medina

A short while after completing his second journey to the Middle East, the Maulana again had to go to Saudi Arabia in December 1960. This time he went at the invitation of Shah Saud. Shah Saud had long cherished the desire to establish an Islamic university in Medina Sharif. To prepare an initial draft for the proposed university, he convened a meeting of several experts. Maulana Maududi attended this meeting as a “royal guest.”

Maulana Maududi had prepared the draft of the Islamic university beforehand and brought it with him. He presented a copy of the entire draft to each member attending the meeting. After detailed discussion and minor revisions, the Maulana’s plan was unanimously adopted, and the Islamic University of Medina was established on its basis. Shah Saud asked the Maulana to go to Medina, inspect the university site and buildings, and offer the necessary advice. The Maulana then went to Medina Sharif.

As a token of gratitude, Shah Saud appointed the Maulana a permanent member of the governing body of the Islamic University of Medina. Shah Saud also promised various facilities for Pakistani students. By then, quite a number of Pakistani students were studying at the university.

During this journey, the Maulana became acquainted with many people. Professors and students of Riyadh University discussed various matters with him. The Maulana delivered speeches at various functions.

On this occasion, a program for Islamic propagation in Africa was prepared. At the invitation extended to the Maulana by the Anjuman Himayat-e-Islam of Nairobi, an extensive program was drawn up. The Muslims of Kenya were also eagerly awaiting the Maulana’s arrival. But unfortunately, for various reasons, the Maulana’s journey to Africa could not take place.

After Martial Rule

It has been mentioned earlier that martial law was imposed in Pakistan on October 8, 1958. At that time, all political parties in Pakistan were declared illegal. As a result, all political activity in the country ceased. Needless to say, like the other parties, Jamaat-e-Islami also remained inactive during this period. As a result, Maulana Maududi was able to make full use of the unexpected leisure he obtained. His several-month journey through the Middle East was particularly significant. For many years he had cherished the desire to visit the historically important places mentioned in the Qur’an. His long-standing wish was fulfilled on this occasion. In addition, at Shah Saud’s request, he had the opportunity to prepare the extensive draft plan for the Islamic University of Medina. By personally visiting Ard al-Qur’an and recording his practical experiences concerning it, he remedied a major deficiency in tafsir literature; and there is no doubt that the Islamic University of Medina, established on the basis of his plan, will remain a monument of the Islamic world.

In any case, martial law ended in 1962, and in July of that same year the Political Parties Act was passed in Pakistan’s National Assembly. Under this law, the activities of political parties resumed. The former political parties began to revive. Jamaat-e-Islami’s organizational work resumed ahead of all others and continued with the same vigor as before.

All-Pakistan Jamaat-e-Islami Conference

Jamaat-e-Islami’s Majlis-e-Shura (Central Council) announced that an All-Pakistan Jamaat-e-Islami conference would be held in Lahore in October 1963. Observing Jamaat-e-Islami’s strong organization and growing popularity under the vigorous leadership of Maulana Maududi, the ruling party became alarmed. To prevent the conference from taking place, the government of West Pakistan initially refused permission for any venue. Later, although permission was granted for an inferior site, permission to use microphones was denied. Thereafter, the use of microphones was prohibited throughout West Pakistan. Even when a conference of ten to twelve thousand people began without microphones, a disturbance was created by hired hooligans, and an innocent Jamaat worker was shot dead in broad daylight in front of the police. Despite all these events, the conference concluded with great patience and forbearance.

I wish to place a brief account of this conference before the readers so that they may fully understand what actually happened. The government left no unscrupulous tactic unused to sabotage the conference. Since this Pakistan-wide conference was to be held after nearly ten years, ten to twelve thousand workers were expected to attend. Instead of providing the spacious field required for it, the government permitted a narrow site between Bhati Gate and Taxali Gate. The railway carriages reserved for workers wishing to attend from distant places were cancelled shortly before their departure. Permission to use microphones was then refused. Maintaining order at a conference of thousands without microphones was nearly impossible. Nor could the democratic right to use microphones be surrendered. Accordingly, a writ petition was filed in the High Court. Believing that the High Court’s judgment would favor the Jamaat, the authorities, even before the judgment was announced, used an ordinance to prohibit the use of microphones throughout West Pakistan. In special circumstances, however, district authorities could permit their use at their discretion. Taking advantage of this provision, permission to use microphones was requested from the Lahore district authorities. They refused, saying that the residents of the neighborhood where the Jamaat conference was being held did not like such conferences. They had allegedly demanded that permission to use microphones not be granted; otherwise, there was a risk of a breach of the peace.

When the Jamaat conveyed this to the neighborhood residents, they were astonished and called it an implausible allegation. Moreover, the residents strongly protested, stating that they had raised no objection to the use of microphones. Among the residents who signed this statement of protest were ten advocates and one professor.

Even after all this, permission to use microphones was not granted. The conference was scheduled to begin on October 25. Arrangements had been made for various pavilions under six hundred shamianas, one hundred bathing facilities, three hundred latrines, telephones, electric lighting, and so on. People had begun arriving two days earlier. At an emergency meeting of the Central Council on October 25, it was decided that the conference would proceed without microphones.

We went to the camp in the evening. We saw that the place, once filled with foul-smelling refuse, was now shining with incomparable heavenly beauty. It became very late as friends from distant places met one another, embraced, and exchanged conversation and introductions.

The next day at nine in the morning, Maulana Maududi was to deliver the opening speech at the conference. There was an assembly of fifteen to twenty thousand people. The Maulana had brought printed copies of his speech. His instruction was that, precisely when he began his opening speech from the stage, some workers would stand on tables among the audience at intervals of fifteen or twenty cubits and read the printed speech aloud. In this way, everyone could hear the speech simultaneously without microphones. The work began accordingly, like clockwork.

About ten minutes after the proceedings began, some hooligans suddenly entered the meeting enclosure. Almost crazed with drink, they began disrupting the order of the meeting. Suddenly, a shamiana caught fire; outside it, there was shouting and the sound of pistol shots. Several shots were fired at the Maulana as well, but every one missed its target. At that time, people could be heard saying from all sides, “Maulana, sit down! Maulana, sit down!”

But the Maulana continued standing as before and said in a calm voice, “If I sit down, then who will remain standing?”

What a fitting response from the leader of the Islamic movement. If, at the most perilous moment, the leader sits down, turns his back, and loses heart, what doubt can there be that the movement will suffer a premature death? Thus, at this moment of danger, he played the role of a worthy leader of the Islamic movement: he stood fearlessly, firm and unmoving. How great was his devotion to the ideal; what magnificent preparation to sacrifice his life for God’s pleasure! How complete his submission to Allah’s will!

With boundless patience and wisdom, the Jamaat workers succeeded in bringing the entire situation under control and restoring full order within ten to fifteen minutes. The police, however, stood by and watched the spectacle. In any case, the Maulana resumed his opening speech and completed it. No further disorder occurred.

But we did not realize that within fifteen or twenty minutes a great catastrophe outside the meeting enclosure had overturned everything. The well-educated, skilled, and patient Jamaat workers who had been assigned to maintain order did not let us learn anything about it.

After the opening speech, we went outside the assembly pavilion and the camp. It seemed as though a storm, extending for a hundred or a hundred and fifty miles, had swept through. The many shops, food and tea stalls established for the conference, the camp of the Lahore Jamaat workers assigned to guard duty, and everything else lay utterly wrecked, torn apart and looted by dust. After about an hour, we learned that the Jamaat worker Allah Bakhsh had been martyred by a pistol shot fired by the goon Gunda. The martyr’s wife and daughters were in the women’s camp. The goons’ attack had also reached the women’s camp. But I was stunned with wonder that, although so much had happened, there was no commotion, running about, wailing or any anxiety and agitation. Never could I have imagined such an incomparable atmosphere steeped in patience. Where there is murder, there is no outcry; where there is fire, there is no lamentation.

For the information of the readers, I feel it necessary to present Maulana’s opening speech.

Maulana Maududi’s Opening Address at the Lahore Conference of Jamaat-e-Islami

(During this speech, the Jamaat worker Allah Bakhsh was martyred by shots fired by hired criminals.)

Friends!

For the first time since 1957, we have today had the opportunity to gather at an All-Pakistan conference. Twenty-two years ago today, the foundation of Jamaat-e-Islami was laid in this city with only 75 members. Today we are gathering once again in this city. It is the boundless mercy of Allah Almighty that, despite all our shortcomings, He has accepted the sincere service of the faith that we began so humbly. He has bestowed such blessings upon this work that today, in every area of Pakistan, thousands of Jamaat members, supporters, sympathizers and people influenced by the Jamaat can be found, and its influence has reached various parts of the world beyond the country. We did not possess the ability to achieve this result through our own efforts. All of this is God’s gift and the wondrous result of help and support from His holy Being. For this, we offer Him thanks with complete sincerity.

Friends!

There is not a single day in the history of Jamaat-e-Islami of Pakistan that has not fallen under the wrath of the rulers of this country or failed to prick their eyes like a thorn. Whoever has held power here over the past sixteen years has considered the existence of this Jamaat irritating and intolerable. They have conducted false propaganda against us, directly and indirectly. New allegations have constantly been fabricated against us. Our newspapers and journals have been closed down. Our money and property have been confiscated. Various obstacles have been placed in our work. We have had to suffer imprisonment. Then, during the period of martial law, our organization was abolished and all the constructive work we had built over years through the tireless labor and hard-earned funds of our workers and supporters was erased. Yet we were never contenders for power. We never expected to take power into our own hands in place of others. Our demand has always been, and remains today, that since this country was acquired in the name of Islam, a wholly Islamic way of life should be established here. We have repeatedly said with complete sincerity that whoever honestly carries out this task will receive our wholehearted support, and far from seeking a share in power with him, we will not seek any kind of reward from him. But everyone who has come to power here has, on the one hand, tried to move this country still farther from Islam while raising Islamic slogans, and, on the other, regarding us as an obstacle to his authority, has employed every vile weapon to suppress and eliminate us.

I am not recounting this history as a complaint. The favorable attention we have received from those in power is not some new act of kindness. My sole purpose is to awaken this awareness in you. For sixteen years we have suffered similar, and even harsher, acts of kindness, and despite facing all these things and continuing our work, our movement has advanced this far by God’s grace. Therefore, do not become disheartened merely because an attempt has been made to sabotage this conference by depriving us of microphones. No previous measure, however severe, could harm us; rather, it proved beneficial for us. So what harm can this petty, base attempt do to us? If there is any harm, it will be due to our own ignorance, not to any attack by others. Of course, if Allah wills otherwise, that is a different matter.

Friends!

Whoever works for God’s faith must possess two qualities, absolutely and without fail. One is sabr, and the second is hikmah, or sound judgment. The demand of sabr is that when an obstacle is created in your path, you must not become agitated and lose your balance. Rather, in the face of every obstacle, you must keep your resolve firm and, protecting your mind and heart from the heat of agitation, choose a path based on sound judgment.

Sound judgment means that you must not become accustomed to walking blindly along only one fixed path. Rather, as soon as one path is closed, you must have the ability to discover ten others. A person who lacks this hikmah sits down as soon as he sees one path blocked. And if he also lacks sabr, he either smashes his head against that obstacle or abandons the path. But the person to whom Allah has granted both hikmah and sabr is like a flowing stream. Nothing can hinder him from reaching his destination. The enormous boulder is left bewildered, and the river rushes by another route toward its destination.

Speaking at meetings and conferences to make thousands of people hear us is not the only way to convey our message and expand the da‘wah. Undoubtedly, it is one method of this work. But if it is closed to us, there is no cause for concern. Form groups of three or four and spread throughout Lahore. Go from house to house, shop to shop, and mosque to mosque. Meet each person individually. Explain to everyone what Jamaat-e-Islami is, what its system and organization are, what its objectives are, what its method of work is, what things it seeks to reform, and what virtues it seeks to establish. Introduce those who wish to understand more to the Jamaat’s literature. By studying it, they will later be able to form their own opinions. Do not waste time on those who are not interested. Rather, spend your time on those who are interested. And with those who wish to engage in debate, move forward without entering into conflict. Your method—

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Invite to the way of your Lord through wisdom and excellent counsel. (Surah al-Nahl, verse 125)

Your da‘wah should likewise be according to this divine instruction. Your language should be gentle. Your character should be pure. Your conduct should be courteous. Repay evil with goodness. You must prove, not merely with your words but through your actions and manner of expression, that you truly wish to establish good in place of evil. Then believe that Allah’s mercy will assist you, and that the angels of God, as your helpers, will accomplish far more work than you do.

During these days of the conference, many eyes will scrutinize you from various perspectives. Why have you brought the essence of your Jamaat here and placed it on display? You will be tested on countless touchstones. Now, if you wish to prove yourselves pure or adulterated, that will depend on your conduct. The age is a very merciless examiner. You cannot prove yourselves genuine on its touchstone through any artificial device or external show. In fact, even if you are genuine, it will acknowledge you as pure only after much deliberation and hesitation. But believe me, if you prove yourselves genuine through your work, then however greatly the opposing forces strive to prove you adulterated, they will only bring about immense harm to themselves instead. Do not be alarmed in the least when you witness false attacks. Their arrival is like a storm, but they vanish in an instant like bubbles. Once they have been wiped out, the hidden filth within them rises so plainly before people’s eyes that the whole world cries shame upon them. Therefore, you should not concern yourselves with confronting falsehood. You should concern yourselves with your own truthfulness. If you are truthful, you will not have to confront falsehood. God will confront it, and He will make today’s falsehood as instructive as He has made the falsehood of every age before it.

As my final point, I wish to say that anyone who considers this Jamaat and this movement a grave danger to himself employs all his strength against me. Naturally, this is displeasing to those who love me. You will face this situation repeatedly. I fear that instead of expanding your da‘wah, you may spend your time and energy defending me. I assure all my intimate brothers that, by God’s grace, I have no need of defense. I did not suddenly come here from outer space. I have been working on the soil of this country for years. Millions of people are directly aware of my work. My writings are spread not only throughout this country but across vast parts of the world, and the favor of my Lord toward me is that He has kept me free of defilement. It is not easy to blacken my face. It is not so easy for just anyone to rise up, make ten or twenty false accusations, and smear a stroke of black on my face. Especially not those people who have neither a past nor a future, and whom the course of events has raised up for only a few days. God willing, by playing this game they will not be able to harm me. Therefore, I myself am at peace, and you too should remain at peace. Instead of occupying yourselves with my defense, continue calling God’s servants toward the path of Allah. I place my trust in my Lord. If I have served His faith with a clear intention, He Himself will defend me.

It is due to Allah Almighty’s infinite mercy and incomparable glory that, despite employing every kind of evil tactic, the conference could not be sabotaged, nor could any harm be done to the Maulana or the Jamaat. Moreover, Jamaat-e-Islami attracted the sympathetic attention of people throughout the country. When the small groups of three or four spread through the city at the Maulana’s direction, they received not only the people’s goodwill; nearly ten thousand people signed support forms and joined the Jamaat.

After the great turmoil of the first day, the remaining two days passed well. We all left the conference pavilion. Then we, the members of the Central Shura, gathered at the Maulana’s residence in 5-A Jaildar Park and began examining and reviewing various aspects of the conference. At one point in the discussion, we all proposed that, since the Ayub government was determined to take the Maulana’s life and uproot the Jamaat, two armed guards should be appointed at the Maulana’s residence for his protection.

With a gentle smile, the Maulana rejected the proposal and said, ‘Look, I am leading an Islamic movement in which the risk to one’s life is unavoidable at every moment. On the one hand, I would advise you to risk your lives, while on the other I would appoint guards for my own safety—what could be more ridiculous than that? It is also contrary to my dignity.’

After remaining silent for a while, he said again, ‘If Allah does not will someone’s death, then the whole world cannot kill him despite all its efforts. And if He wills it, a father may even die from his son’s bullet.’

The Maulana spoke a few words as if to himself. When he was asked to take his seat while shots were being fired at the conference, he had said, ‘If I sit down when I see danger, who will remain standing?’ That fearless statement of the Maulana encouraged and inspired the workers a hundredfold. It was truly the statement of an ideal leader. His present statement was even more significant. But his statement was not a prophecy, because human beings have neither the power nor the right to make prophecies. The Maulana’s statement concerned the possible consequence reached by analyzing the course and direction of the present social order. Yet, astonishingly, it became true within three or four months. At Ayub Khan’s instruction, the then Governor of West Pakistan had brought hired goons from Kalabagh and wanted to turn the Jamaat conference into a blood-soaked ground. Three or four months later, he died in his own home from a pistol shot fired by his own son.

Jamaat-e-Islami Declared Illegal

As stated earlier, even before the conference, the central and provincial ministers had been heating up the atmosphere with one inflammatory statement after another against Jamaat-e-Islami and Maulana Maududi. Then, seeing the conference’s triumphant success, they became desperate, determined that this Jamaat had to be destroyed. Accordingly, on 6 January 1964, Jamaat-e-Islami was declared illegal throughout the country, and sixty Jamaat leaders, including Maulana Maududi, were arrested and sent to prison.

Pakistan’s strongest, most constitutional and peace-loving party was expelled from the political arena, and its leaders were banished to the dark cells of prison. The leaders of all the country’s political parties, except the ruling party, expressed vehement protest. Protests and condemnations arose from almost all Muslim countries. But after eliminating Jamaat-e-Islami, the government remained silent, breathing a sigh of relief.

It is especially noteworthy that the revolutionary monthly journal Tarjuman-ul-Quran, published by Maulana Maududi in 1932, had continued to appear regularly ever since. During the preceding thirty-one years, neither the pre-Partition Government of India nor the post-Partition Government of Pakistan had dared to close this journal. But the so-called popular and democratic Government of Pakistan that followed martial law prohibited its publication for six months beginning in January 1964, on a trivial pretext.

It is universally acknowledged that the Maulana’s Quranic commentary, Tafhim-ul-Quran, is an invaluable contribution to the literature of tafsir. Tafhim-ul-Quran was the lifelong labor of the Maulana. But after Jamaat-e-Islami was declared illegal and he was sent to prison, he was not even permitted to write his commentary on the Holy Quran while in prison. Eventually, however, after powerful protests from the Islam-loving public, the government granted permission.

The Jamaat’s Case

Some time later, writ petitions were filed in the West Pakistan and East Pakistan High Courts against the government order declaring Jamaat-e-Islami illegal. The West Pakistan High Court ruled in favor of the government, while the East Pakistan High Court ruled in favor of the Jamaat. Maulana Maududi then filed an appeal in the Supreme Court against the judgment of the West Pakistan High Court. As the victory of truth was certain and inevitable, the august Supreme Court delivered a clear verdict in favor of Jamaat-e-Islami on 25 September, establishing a historic precedent of sound justice.

The clear and fearless replies that Maulana Maududi gave before the West Pakistan Tribunal and High Court to the allegations on the basis of which the government declared Jamaat-e-Islami illegal and imprisoned its leaders are reproduced below for everyone’s information.

One particular allegation was that Maulana Maududi had issued a fatwa declaring the jihad of Kashmir haram. This allegation continued to be publicized repeatedly. The Kashmir issue is a matter of life and death for Pakistan. The accusers’ intention was to incite the people against Maulana Maududi by publicizing that he was opposed to a solution to Kashmir. The comments of Kashmiri popular leaders on this matter are also included at the end, so that the accusers’ mental illness may become evident to readers and the public.

Maulana Maududi’s Reply

To the Home Secretary of the Government of West Pakistan—

Honorable Sir,

Regarding the reasons for my arrest and detention that you set out in your letter dated 13 January 1964, I shall first briefly state my legal objections. I shall then make a general comment on them and, finally, describe each reason separately.

Legal Objections Regarding the Detention

My legal objections regarding the reasons for my arrest and detention are as follows:

1. I was arrested on 6 January 1964, and the reasons for my arrest and detention were communicated to me on the evening of 13 January. Yet not one of these reasons was absent from the press note. This press note was issued by the government on 6 January and published in all the country’s newspapers on 7 January. This means that the reasons for detention were prepared on 6 January. But they were sent to me after a delay of eight days. This is clearly contrary to Section 3(6) of the law under which I was arrested, which states that a detained person must, as soon as possible, be informed of the reasons for his arrest and detention. Can any reasonable justification be offered for this conduct—that a summary of the press note published on 6 January could not have been prepared in less than eight days?

2. On the second day after receiving your letter, I applied to you for permission to obtain the necessary books from outside in order to reply to the reasons for my detention. But you delayed still further in granting this permission, and I could not obtain the necessary books before 4 February. In this way, you allowed an entire month to pass so that I could not benefit in any way even from the nominal opportunity afforded to a detainee under the Public Security Ordinance to present his statement. There is no reasonable justification for the protracted procedures of your office that caused this delay. Why should the person whose freedom you have taken away bear the punishment for this delay?

3. In my application of 14 January, I also requested permission to consult my lawyers in order to reply to the reasons for my detention. I renewed this request on 1 February. Several days later, through the District Superintendent, I received your reply that I could consult my lawyers, but that a CID officer would be present during the meeting. This was undoubtedly an unjust condition. Legal consultation under this condition was completely pointless for me. It is entirely incompatible with ordinary reason and common sense that, while a person is consulting his own lawyers regarding a legal matter to refute the allegations brought against him, an agent of the opposing party—the party against whom the allegations are made—should be present in the middle of the discussion.

Suppose the detainee and his lawyer decide that there is an opportunity to file a writ of habeas corpus against the detention. The presence of a CID officer in this discussion would mean that you would learn its contents before the habeas corpus petition reached the court and would take the necessary steps to defeat it. Is this not manifestly a denial of justice? [I am grateful that they removed this objection of mine on 26 February.]

4. Of all the reasons for arrest and detention set out by you in this letter, every one except the seventh is vague, obscure and merely an allegation. From these, it is impossible to know what the basis of the allegations is. Describing the reasons for detention in this manner amounts to the same thing as not describing them at all.

5. The fifth of your stated reasons for detention says that, before Jamaat-e-Islami came to be considered illegal under the amended Criminal Law of 1908, it had been engaged in certain activities, and that you, as its Amir, had participated in those activities. You have therefore been detained.

This detention took place on precisely the day and at the very time when the Jamaat-e-Islami was declared illegal under the amended Criminal Law of 1908. Its clear meaning is that this detention was punishment for my past activities (if, for the sake of argument, these are accepted for the moment). Yet the law under which I have been arrested and detained gives you the power of Preventive Detention, not Punitive Detention. In this way, you have actually exceeded the limits of the law. If the government feared that, even after the Jamaat-e-Islami was declared illegal, I would continue doing the very things for which the Jamaat had been declared illegal, then subsections 1, 2 and 3 of Section 17 of the amended Criminal Law of 1908 were available for that purpose. What need was there to use the Public Security Ordinance? Does this not prove that the government was exceedingly eager to arrest me? For this reason, instead of waiting even briefly to see whether or not I would engage in those activities after the Jamaat had been declared illegal, the government punished me for my past actions through the Public Security Ordinance.

6. The ordinance under which you arrested and detained me on the basis of the fifth and seventh of the reasons for detention lies beyond its scope of operation. Even if, for the sake of argument, it is assumed that I committed all the acts of which you have accused me therein, you still have no right to take action against me under the Public Security Ordinance.

7. The seventh reason falls within the scope of the Press and Publications Ordinance. Under that ordinance, you had already suspended my journal Tarjuman-ul-Quran for six months. Now, quite unjustly and in violation of the limits of the law, I too have been punished through the Public Security Ordinance for publishing this article.

Some General Observations Regarding the Reasons for Detention

Having raised these legal objections, I now wish to examine the reasons, one after another. Before doing so, I wish to declare clearly and firmly, with a full sense of responsibility, that the reasons given in your letter for my arrest and detention are not the real reasons. Rather, the real reasons are something else—reasons whose disclosure causes the government itself considerable embarrassment.

The first reason is that, while speaking at a public meeting in Rawalpindi in 1963, I had demanded that, just as Kalat, Kharan, Makran, Bahawalpur and the other frontier states had been incorporated into West Pakistan, the important states of Swat and Dir, and others, should likewise be incorporated into West Pakistan. I had also demanded that the inhabitants of these areas should be granted the same facilities and rights enjoyed by the other citizens of Pakistan. Our demand was founded on a completely lawful basis: when all the important states of former British India were joined with Pakistan and India, why should this last remnant of the age of slavery not also be removed? Certain senior government officials felt uneasy and burst into anger merely because I had stated such a clear and valid reason.

Secondly, through the efforts of the Jamaat-e-Islami, the ruling party suffered defeat in two by-elections, in Rawalpindi and Hyderabad. This further inflamed the anger of those in power. These two elections were held in September and October 1963, respectively.

Thirdly, those in power regarded the Jamaat-e-Islami’s well-organized movement as a major obstacle in the way of their own Convention Muslim League. They considered it necessary, before the forthcoming elections, to eliminate the best-organized party among the opposition and remove its leaders from the field. For, having witnessed the results of the by-elections, they had realized that in the forthcoming elections the Jamaat-e-Islami would prove to be a formidable rival to the ruling party.

For these reasons, I shall now describe, in chronological order, the successive steps taken against me and the Jamaat-e-Islami.

On September 21, 1963, an official of the Central Home Department telephoned to threaten me: admit in the newspapers that you were wrong about what you had said in a statement published in the press against the Convention League, or the government will take severe action against you (see Nawa-i-Waqt, September 22, 1963). I immediately sent an account of this threat for publication in newspapers throughout the country, and it was published. For it could be inferred from this that severe action would be taken against me and the Jamaat-e-Islami.

On October 16, permission to use loudspeakers at the All-Pakistan Conference of the Jamaat-e-Islami was refused. Yet between September 14 and October 13, seven or eight such public meetings had been held in Lahore in succession, and permission to use loudspeakers had been granted at each of them, despite the presence of Section 144. In these circumstances, refusing permission for a conference to which nearly seven thousand delegates were coming from all parts of Pakistan and which thousands of people in Lahore were also going to attend is clear proof that a special spirit of resistance against the Jamaat-e-Islami was active in the minds of those in power.

On October 17, a petition was filed in the West Pakistan High Court seeking action against the aforementioned injustice of the Lahore District Magistrate. It was to be decided on October 22. But before the High Court could announce its decision, the Governor of West Pakistan, through a special ordinance, imposed a ban on the use of loudspeakers throughout the province. This clearly proves that the Governor’s power to legislate by ordinance was used specifically to frustrate the Jamaat-e-Islami’s conference.

The Jamaat-e-Islami conference was beginning on October 25. Exactly one day earlier, the Home Minister of the central government issued an extremely harsh and inflammatory statement against me and the Jamaat-e-Islami, and on the morning of the conference day, statements by several provincial ministers were also published in the morning newspapers. Why did such a storm of anger suddenly sweep through precisely at this time? Was there any reason for it other than that the government could not tolerate the display of the Jamaat-e-Islami’s strength and organization in a central location such as Lahore?

On the morning of October 25, hooliganism was orchestrated at the Jamaat-e-Islami meeting. Nearly thirty or forty thousand people in Lahore witnessed with their own eyes the policy adopted by the police. Through the newspapers, the entire country learned of it. Reports of this shameful incident reached various countries outside Pakistan as well. In broad daylight, hooligans were brought before the eyes of the people. They set fire to the camp, cut the ropes of the tents, and looted the book stalls. They also threw bricks and soda-water bottles into the women’s camp. They took copies of the Holy Qur’an from one of the book stalls and hurled them at the meeting like bricks and stones. Finally, they even shot and killed an innocent man.

All this was taking place in the presence of the police, while the police stood by laughing. Every one of these acts was such that the police ought to have intervened. Yet not a single hooligan was arrested. The police themselves did not even apprehend the murderer. Rather, Jamaat workers seized him and forcibly handed him over to the police, and only after their repeated pressure did the police detain the murderer. Whether or not an admission comes from the mouths of the governing authorities, their consciences know very well who had these things done and for what purpose. Moreover, not one of the rulers responsible for maintaining law and order in Lahore is unaware of the hidden secret: who was it that humiliated the law through the guardians of the law?

The actual purpose of this vile conspiracy was to create an opportunity for the workers of the Jamaat-e-Islami to become involved in a clash with the hooligans in one way or another, whereupon they could be fired upon and the entire Jamaat could be declared illegal as a riotous organization. But the patience and restraint of the Jamaat workers foiled this conspiracy.

Only a week then passed. Another conspiracy was devised against the Jamaat in order to entrap it by some means. The election of the Punjab University Union was scheduled for November 6, 1963. Just two days before it, Barakallah Khan, a candidate for president of the union, was expelled from the university. The inevitable result of this step—and what in fact became evident—was that widespread discontent spread among the students. Consequently, all the candidates for every union post, numbering about sixty-five, withdrew their candidacies together. They immediately formed an Action Committee. On November 4, the students brought out a procession from the university. They had loudspeakers with them. (If this procession and the use of loudspeakers had been illegal, why did those responsible for peace and order not stop them at the university itself? On the contrary, they allowed the procession to advance so far that the crowd became extremely large and other mischief-makers joined it.) Then, suddenly, they were dispersed by a baton charge near Charing Cross, and many of their leaders were also arrested. The clear purpose of these actions was to inflame them further and bring about a clash between them and the forces of law and order, and then place all the blame on the Jamaat-e-Islami. The manner in which these events were investigated from the very first day, and in which the investigation continued to the end, makes it completely clear that the real purpose was to entrap the Jamaat-e-Islami. The statements being published at that time in the newspapers and on the radio, from the country’s President down to the ministers, likewise reflected this same purpose. They openly demonstrated how eager the governing authorities were to implicate the Jamaat-e-Islami in this student disturbance. But despite all efforts, the conspiracy failed, and no evidence was found on which to hold the Jamaat responsible for the disturbance.

How long could the government continue waiting for the Jamaat-e-Islami to commit some offence and then be apprehended? And how could it be that the Jamaat which had become an obstacle to the advancement of the Convention League could not be apprehended even if it committed no offence?

The amended Criminal Law and the Petition of Public Order had been kept in the law’s arsenal precisely so that they could be used when the need arose to apprehend those who had committed no offence. Thus, on January 6, these two weapons were used to hunt me and my Jamaat, and the accusations brought against me were those described in the government press note of January 6 and among the reasons for arrest and detention sent by you.

The reason I claim that these accusations were not the real cause of the government’s action is that the government began this campaign against me and the Jamaat-e-Islami in the third week of 1963, whereas two of the accusations in this connection—namely, the Lahore student disturbance and the article in Tarjuman-ul-Quran—relate to events that occurred after the campaign began. The remaining accusations relate to matters and events several years old.

I shall now discuss separately each of the reasons you have given for my arrest and detention and disclose their true nature.

Seizing Power by Force

Your first accusation is that the Jamaat-e-Islami’s purpose was to seize political authority and power by force, but you have not said how you came to know of this purpose of the Jamaat. There can be only two ways of knowing the purpose of any organization: first, its actions; and second, its constitution, resolutions, and the statements of its responsible persons. Regarding the Jamaat’s actions, it may be said that Pakistan’s Home Minister, Mr. Habibullah Khan, acknowledged before the entire world at his press conference on October 23, 1963, that “the Jamaat has not violated the law even once.” See the report of this press conference in the Pakistan Times and Dawn of October 24, 1963. The details of the second means are presented below:

1. In September 1948, the Majlis-e-Shura of the Jamaat-e-Islami declared the following policy through a resolution:

“Its (that is, the Jamaat-e-Islami’s) effort is to cast the country’s (that is, Pakistan’s) system of life completely in the mold of Islam. To achieve this purpose, the Jamaat does not consider it lawful to use any method or means that is opposed to truth and honesty or that gives rise to disorder and unrest. It believes in democratic methods for reform and revolution—that is, reforming minds and character through preaching and propaganda, and forming public opinion for the changes we seek to bring about. None of the Jamaat’s activities is conducted secretly; rather, everything is done openly. It does not seek to violate the laws on which the country’s present system of government is based; rather, it seeks to change them in accordance with Islamic principles. Its aim is not to remove those who are administering the country’s system of government, or to take their places itself. Rather, it seeks to reform them; and if they do not accept reform, it seeks to replace them by democratic means with people who, in the view of the reformed public opinion, will be regarded as honest.” (Tarjuman-ul-Quran, September 1948, pp. 329–330)

2. In Article 10 of the constitution that the Jamaat published in 1953, and again in Article 5 of the amended constitution published in 1953, it was clearly stated that:

“To achieve its aims and objectives, the Jamaat shall never use any means or method that is opposed to truth and honesty or that results in disorder in the world. The Jamaat shall work through democratic and lawful methods to bring about the reform and revolution stated in its objectives. That is, minds, intellects and character must be reformed through preaching, propaganda and the dissemination of ideas, and public opinion must be formed for the changes the Jamaat seeks to bring about. To reach its goal, the Jamaat shall not attempt to follow clandestine methods; rather, it shall strive openly and publicly. (It may be mentioned here that every member of the Jamaat-e-Islami formally takes an oath, upon joining the Jamaat, to abide by this constitution.)”

3. On November 10, 1951, at the All-Pakistan Conference of the Jamaat-e-Islami, while commenting in my presidential address on the martyrdom of the late Mr. Liaquat Ali Khan, I said:

“There can be no greater misfortune for a country than to snatch the final authority to decide from intelligence, conscience, reason and public opinion and hand it over to the sword of the judge. A nation that is not its own enemy and whose conscience has not become bankrupt cannot be so foolish as to entrust the responsibility for deciding its various affairs, instead of to conscience and reason, to the blind and corrupt judge of the sword. If we do not wish to call our future dark, then we must do everything in our power to prevent the condition of our country from moving in this terrible direction. We, and especially those responsible among us, must make every effort to create and maintain conditions here in which all kinds of political change supported by public opinion can be brought about peacefully.” (Our Internal and Foreign Problems, p. 14, publisher: Maktaba Jamaat-e-Islami)

4. In February 1957, a resolution was passed at the All-Pakistan Conference of the Jamaat-e-Islami. It stated clearly:

“Since the Jamaat-e-Islami is bound by its constitution to work through lawful methods in planning to bring about reform and revolution, and since in Pakistan there is in practice only one way to bring about this reform and revolution—the electoral path—the Jamaat-e-Islami cannot remain unrelated to the country’s elections. It may participate in them directly or indirectly, or, when necessary, by both methods.” (The Future Programme of the Islamic Movement, p. 14)

5. In 1958, the Jamaat-e-Islami published its election manifesto. It described its objective as follows:

“To establish a genuine democracy in which the people will be able to bring to power those of their choice and remove from the seats of authority those whom they do not favor.” (Election Manifesto, p. 14)

6. During the Hajj last year, I had the opportunity to address young people who had come from the Arab countries to Mecca. In that speech, I advised them to refrain from attempting armed revolution in their own countries and to think instead of bringing about reform through peaceful, lawful and democratic methods. My speech was published throughout the Arab countries. Its Urdu translation was also published in the journal Tarjuman-ul-Quran. Its concluding passage is as follows:

“My final counsel is that they should not conduct a clandestine movement or seek to bring about revolution through weapons alone. … A sound and genuine revolution is always brought about through a mass movement. Work openly and extensively in calling people to the truth; undertake widespread work to purify minds, intellects and thought. Change people’s modes of thinking. Win victory over hearts with the weapon of morality. Face courageously the dangers and obstacles that arise in such an effort. The revolution brought about gradually in this way will be so enduring and strong that the imaginary storms of opposing forces will not be able to erase it. Even if a revolution is brought about quickly by artificial methods, it may be erased by the very path through which it came.” (Tarjuman-ul-Quran, June 1963)

7. On November 10, 1963, I repeated this view in a statement issued to the newspapers in Pakistan. The statement was published in Nawa-i-Waqt, Mashriq and other newspapers. Its exact words were:

“I am, as a matter of principle, strongly opposed to violating the law, using unlawful methods and working secretly. My view is that respect for the law is essential not because of fear of anyone or some temporary necessity, but for the existence of a civilized society. If a movement once destroys this respect, it becomes very difficult—indeed impossible—for people thereafter to be made obedient to the law again. Likewise, secret organizations contain such defects that those working through this method ultimately become a greater danger to society than the people whom they adopted this method to remove. For these reasons, I believe that both lawlessness and secret organization are profoundly defective. Everything I have done, I have always done openly and within the bounds of law. Even laws to which I am vehemently opposed, I have tried to change through democratic and lawful methods, but I have never violated them.”

These are the documented statements of myself and the Jamaat-e-Islami from 1948 to the present. It should now be made clear what evidence the government has on the basis of which it has brought this accusation against me and the Jamaat-e-Islami—that we favor seizing power by force. Do they possess any writing or speech by me or by any responsible person in the Jamaat-e-Islami that conveys such a meaning? Or can they produce any example showing that, during the past seventeen years, the Jamaat-e-Islami took any action contrary to the law? If they possess such evidence, why do they not present it publicly?

In its press note of January 6, the government based the entire foundation of this accusation solely on a quotation from the Munir Report. That report contains this accusation against the Jamaat-e-Islami. But it should be remembered that the Munir Report is not a court judgment; it is merely the report of an inquiry committee. In violation of its Terms of Reference, the report engages in disorderly and irrelevant discussion. It makes wholly unwarranted attacks on various individuals and parties and uses such strange, sarcastic language as could never befit an impartial court of inquiry. The question of what the Jamaat-e-Islami’s ideology was, what its aims and objectives were, and what means it intended to adopt to achieve them was never properly placed for examination before this court (or inquiry committee). Neither I nor any representative of the Jamaat-e-Islami was questioned on these matters. Nor was this accusation put before us and were we asked to defend ourselves against it. And even where the accusation was raised in the report, no evidence was presented from which one could learn on what basis the committee had made it against us.

The question is this: can a report—even a court-of-inquiry report—by issuing such a verdict against a Jamaat without testimony or evidence, be sufficient to deprive that Jamaat of its right to exist and its leaders of their right to freedom? And, after ten years have passed, where is the legality of taking advantage in this way of that sentence in the Munir Report? The Munir Report was published in 1954, yet in 1964 we are being deprived of our freedom and the Jamaat of its right to exist on the basis of that remark. Is there even the slightest trace of logic in this?

Opposition to the Establishment of Pakistan

Regarding the reasons for my arrest and detention, a second accusation has been made: “The Jamaat-e-Islami was opposed to the establishment of Pakistan and, after Pakistan was established, continuously expressed an openly hostile attitude toward Pakistan and its government.”

This allegation has two parts. The first part is that the Jamaat opposed the establishment of Pakistan, and the second is that, ever since Pakistan was established, it has continuously expressed a hostile attitude toward Pakistan and its government. The second part has probably been added because the first part seemed so absurd even to the accusers themselves that they considered it extremely difficult to take any action on its basis alone. Sixteen years after the establishment of Pakistan, to declare illegal and arrest the leaders of a Jamaat that had worked here throughout those sixteen years—except during the period of martial law—on the allegation that it “had opposed the establishment of Pakistan” would, needless to say, appear ridiculous to everyone at first sight. Therefore, to make it seem reasonable, it has been added that even after the establishment of Pakistan, this Jamaat had openly expressed hostility for sixteen years not only toward the government but also toward Pakistan itself. Yet even after this addition, the statement remains exactly as ridiculous as it was in the beginning.

The question is: from 1947, when the Jamaat-e-Islami began working in Pakistan, until January 5, 1962, this continuous hostility remained in force—and was not secret, but openly displayed—so how did it suddenly become visible on January 6, 1964? Why was this open hostility ignored throughout that long period? Rather, what special circumstance has now arisen that made it necessary to take action against it immediately, and to take such severe action? Why was it not stated plainly that, in order to expand the Convention League, it had become necessary to remove from the field a well-organized party of the opposition group? This need had increased considerably, especially before the elections.

I shall now discuss each part of the allegation separately. My reply regarding the first part of the allegation is as follows—

1. Even if, for the moment, it is accepted that the Jamaat-e-Islami opposed the establishment of Pakistan, I ask: did it oppose it more than the Congress did? Everyone knows that until August 15, 1947, the real struggle for Pakistan was with the Congress. Yet, immediately after the establishment of Pakistan, the Congress party that existed in this country promptly established the Pakistan Congress. Its representatives were present in our First and Second Constituent Assemblies. Until October 1958, it was established as an anti-Muslim party. Yet no one ever raised the question that, since you had opposed the establishment of Pakistan, you could not now operate as a political party in Pakistan. There is no legal reason why the Pakistan Congress did not revive after the withdrawal of martial law; rather, it is a matter similar to the fact that the Awami League, the National Awami Party, and other parties did not revive themselves. If the Pakistan Congress wishes to revive itself today, there is no legal obstacle in its way.

2. But it is completely contrary to the truth that the Jamaat-e-Islami opposed the establishment of Pakistan. The Jamaat-e-Islami was founded in August 1941. During the full six years from then until August 1947, can anyone show that the Jamaat-e-Islami held any meeting to oppose the establishment of Pakistan? Passed any resolution? Organized any procession? Put forward any candidate against the Muslim League in an election? Supported any candidate opposing the Muslim League? Told the people not to vote for Muslim League candidates? Or in any other way did anything or made any effort to obstruct the movement for the establishment of Pakistan? If anyone possesses any such evidence, it should certainly be produced. But if nothing of the sort is found in the record of the Jamaat-e-Islami, then let it kindly be stated: in what way did the Jamaat-e-Islami oppose the establishment of Pakistan? When did it do so? How did it do so? At most, it may be said that the Jamaat did not participate jointly with the Muslim League in the struggle for the establishment of Pakistan. Can mere non-participation be called opposition?

3. The reason the Jamaat-e-Islami did not participate in the effort to establish Pakistan was not that it did not wish to establish a separate independent state for the Muslims. Rather, there were three reasons. These three reasons have been clearly described more than once in the writings of the Jamaat-e-Islami. The first reason was that it was necessary for there to be a Jamaat among the Muslims that would be able to help the nation if, God forbid, the Muslim League failed in the struggle to establish Pakistan; for this reason, it was necessary to keep this reserve force apart from the struggle. The second reason was that even after Pakistan was established, several crores of Muslims would necessarily have to remain in that part of British India which, under the Pakistan plan, was passing under Hindu rule. After Partition, the Muslim League would obviously be unable to do anything to help those Muslims. For this purpose, it was necessary from the outset to keep another well-organized party prepared, and it was also necessary to keep this party separate from the struggle for Pakistan so that it could carry out that work in Hindu India. The third reason was that the party working for Pakistan—the Muslim League—had focused all its attention exclusively on political organization and political struggle. No effort was being made on its part to keep the party strong and firm from the moral and religious points of view. In view of this situation, it was clearly felt that if a party acquired the country through struggle in this way, it would not only be unable to transform it into an Islamic state, but would not even be able to establish it on a strong foundation as a national state. Severe moral and ideological disorder would arise there. In these circumstances, it was necessary to form among the Muslims such a well-organized party as could, after the establishment of Pakistan, work to save the state from moral destruction and guide it along the path of Islam. The question is: was it a sin to implement this far-sighted plan? Today, the very people who themselves had no significant part in the effort to establish Pakistan wish to punish the Jamaat-e-Islami for it. The late Quaid-e-Azam did not impose this punishment, nor did the late Liaquat Ali Khan, nor did Khawaja Nazimuddin. During all their administrations, the Jamaat-e-Islami continued to work regularly.

4. The writings of mine that are being presented today as evidence of opposition to the establishment of Pakistan were written in 1939 and 1940. First, it is wrong to cast them at the Jamaat-e-Islami, because the Jamaat was founded in August 1941. Second, they were written in an era when discussion had only just begun among the Muslims about how their complex problems in British India could be solved. Third, the true purpose of those writings can be understood from the quotations presented by those who have taken passages about the Qadianis and the deniers of Hadith (Munkireen-e-Hadith) out of the complete works and given them an opposite meaning. Rather, their real meaning can be understood only after reading all the related articles in full. I wrote these articles to explain to the Muslims that, for establishing an Islamic state rather than a national state, no party organization devoid of moral and religious vitality could be suitable. Thousands of educated people in this country read the discussions I presented in my articles to clarify this purpose. They did not derive from them the meaning that is now being extracted by removing a few sentences from my writings from their context.

5. To extract from a writer’s work a meaning contrary to that writer’s own clear statements is, in fact, manifest treachery. How can anyone say about me that I opposed Partition and the establishment of Pakistan, when I myself wrote three books in support of the two-nation theory (see my books Muslim aur Maujooda Siyasi Kashmakash, Volumes 1 and 3, and Mas’ala-e-Qaumiyat); when I myself presented a plan for Partition in 1938 (see my book Muslim aur Maujooda Siyasi Kashmakash, Volume 2, pp. 208–214); when in 1944 I publicly declared the demand for Pakistan to be a legitimate demand (see my book Rasa’il-o-Masa’il, Volume 1, second edition, pp. 359–362); and when I supported voting in favor of Pakistan in the referendum in the Frontier Province (see my book Rasa’il-o-Masa’il, Volume 1, pp. 362–363).

Let us now turn to the second part of the allegation: “Since the establishment of Pakistan, the Jamaat-e-Islami has continuously expressed open hostility toward Pakistan and its government.” The thinking of the person who fabricated this part of the allegation is so confused that he could not distinguish between Pakistan and its government, and he does not even know that, since Pakistan was established, not one government but several successive governments have changed here.

Regarding the governments of Pakistan, it may be said only that the Jamaat-e-Islami has certainly expressed its disagreements with them, and as an opposition party this is its legal right. The Jamaat-e-Islami remained firm on the principle that, until we won a majority in an election and acquired the ability to form a government ourselves and run it according to our own principles, we should not participate in the machinery of government. On the basis of this principle, the Jamaat-e-Islami had been working as an opposition party for the past sixteen and a half years. The question is: if, on the basis of a reasonable and universally accepted democratic principle, a party remains in opposition and expresses disagreement with the country’s successive governments, when and how did that become a crime for which it became lawful to declare it illegal and arrest its leaders?

The allegation of opposition to Pakistan is such a vile and abhorrent allegation that no government should impose it upon its own citizens until it possesses strong and clear evidence in support of it. Let me be told what evidence the government has in support of this grave allegation. On the basis of what testimony and evidence have they made this accusation? And if they possess evidence supporting this extremely severe allegation, why did they resort, instead of openly prosecuting the Jamaat in a court, to those laws through which anyone may be accused at will and punished at will without any evidence or testimony?

Although it is the accuser’s responsibility to produce evidence to deem any person or party guilty, and the responsibility to prove his or its innocence does not fall upon the person or party against whom the allegation has been made, I nevertheless wish to prove that the government seeks to eliminate us by making entirely baseless allegations. Therefore, I shall explain the Jamaat-e-Islami’s view of Pakistan in light of its own decisions. In September 1948, the resolution passed by the Jamaat-e-Islami’s Majlis-e-Shura regarding its policy stated—

“Since the internal strength of the country has suffered a tremendous blow with the death of the Quaid-e-Azam, and dangers have also begun to appear from outside, the Majlis-e-Shura wishes to declare clearly that, while remaining founded upon reformative objectives and a reformative outlook, the Jamaat-e-Islami will make every effort to preserve Pakistan’s unity and independence and, in this regard, will cooperate with the country’s other parties and the government by every possible means.”

“In the view of the Jamaat-e-Islami, for Pakistan’s welfare, progress, and stability, it was necessary to declare as soon as possible, through legal means, that it would be transformed into an Islamic state. But now that the support of the Quaid-e-Azam’s personality is no longer available, this need has become even greater. After this declaration, constitutional and legal changes will gradually take place at the appropriate times. But following this declaration, our state system will, in principle, be transformed into an Islamic system. The country’s real strength will feel reassured when the hearts and consciences of the Muslim people are reassured by it. The state’s objectives and the path of its progress will be determined. And the laws essential for Pakistan’s moral stability, the unity of its discordant elements, the solution of its important civilizational and economic problems, and the strengthening of its national defense system will be able to converge in order to work along this path. Moreover, as a result, the ideological conflict that is arising regarding the country’s future system and creating mental disorder will also come to an end.”

At this session, the following message was sent by the Majlis-e-Shura to the then Governor-General, Mr. Khawaja Nazimuddin: “By succeeding the Quaid-e-Azam, Allah has placed upon you the burden of a great responsibility. We pray that the One who has placed this burden upon you may grant you the strength to bear it and fulfill this trust. In the speech you delivered after becoming Governor-General, a religious vitality can be found, and signs of good intentions are apparent. We honor this from our hearts. We hope that you will strive to transform Pakistan into a truly Islamic state, both in spirit and in body. Believe that in any sound effort you undertake for this purpose, the Jamaat-e-Islami will fully cooperate with you.”

(Tarjuman-ul-Quran, September 1948, pp. 326–327).

At the same session, the first instruction prepared for the workers of the Jamaat-e-Islami was—

“Prepare yourselves fully for the defense of the country, and explain to the other Muslims the need for preparation as well. We wish to protect this country for Islam. Therefore, with this inspiration, it is our religious duty to give this matter the greatest attention in all our activities.” (Tarjuman-ul-Quran, September 1948, p. 336)

On March 12, 1949, Pakistan’s Constituent Assembly passed the Objectives Resolution, and the very next day the Jamaat-e-Islami’s Majlis-e-Shura issued the following statement—

“In the view of the Majlis-e-Shura, by passing this resolution the Constituent Assembly has fulfilled the minimum legal conditions necessary to transform a country into an Islamic state.”

Again, on April 18, 1949, while discussing the implications and effects of the Objectives Resolution, the Majlis-e-Shura expressed the following policy regarding Pakistan—

“It has now become obligatory upon every believing person to devote all the abilities of his mind and intellect and all available means and resources to protecting and strengthening this state, advancing it, and transforming it into an Islamic state in spirit and in body. Whatever service can be rendered to it, in whatever manner, should be performed wholeheartedly. Our relationship with the state is now one of positive loyalty. The attitude of non-cooperation has ended. Now we shall make every effort for reform and development not only from outside, but also by entering from within—that is, through Parliament and the system of government.”

(Jamaat-e-Islami Ki Position Uske Apne Faisle Ki Roshni Mein, pp. 6–7)

At the All-Pakistan Conference of the Jamaat-e-Islami recently held in Lahore, a resolution was passed on October 26, 1964. Its wording is as follows—

“At this critical moment, the Jamaat-e-Islami warns India and the other concerned powers that have misconceptions about Pakistan that, regardless of the differences among us in internal matters, the ten crore Pakistanis will stand united on every issue concerning the security of their homeland and the protection of their independence; and should such a situation arise, God willing, not a single Pakistani will remain behind.”

“The Jamaat gives the question of defending Pakistan the highest importance not only because we love the country, but also in view of the demands of our faith and religion. This country was acquired in the name of Islam; therefore, all of Pakistan is like a mosque to us, and every inch of it is a great trust in our eyes. Despite all differences, we assure the government fully that whatever measures it may take for the defense of our country, we shall cooperate with them wholeheartedly. Patriotism is not the exclusive possession of any particular person or group. Every Pakistani is equally concerned with the security of his country, because their lives, property, honor, and cherished values all depend entirely upon the security and integrity of this country. Therefore, we firmly believe that every Pakistani, unless he is mentally deranged or his own enemy, will come forward to defend his homeland.” (Report of the All-Pakistan Conference of the Jamaat-e-Islami, p. 56)

These are resolutions duly adopted and published by the Jamaat-e-Islami. The government cannot say that it was unaware of them. Despite this, the accusation was made, with eyes shut, that the Jamaat-e-Islami had continuously expressed a hostile attitude toward Pakistan. The basis of this accusation was a booklet entitled “A Review of the Recent Past,” mentioned in the government’s January 6 press note. The statement regarding this booklet is as follows: after the establishment of Pakistan, when I began publishing the journal Tarjuman-ul-Quran again from Lahore, I wrote three consecutive editorial articles in its first three issues, in June, July, and August 1948. They contained detailed comments on the situation that had arisen in the country at the time of Partition. Offering impartial observations, like a historian, on the views and actions of the three parties—the British government, the Indian National Congress, and the Muslim League—I explained what mistakes each had made in resolving and implementing Partition and how the consequences manifested themselves. The third article then discussed the important problems faced by the Muslim nation after Partition and whether the Muslim League could succeed in solving those problems. In 1949, apparently without my knowledge, people of the Karachi branch of the Jamaat-e-Islami published the first two articles from Karachi in booklet form under the title “A Review of the Recent Past.” In any case, these articles were published during the lifetime of the late Quaid-e-Azam, when he was Governor-General. The late Liaquat Ali Khan was then Prime Minister of Pakistan. At that time, no one viewed them as having been written against Pakistan. Rather, the criticism of the Muslim League’s work contained in them was regarded as the legitimate right of the leader of an opposition party. For this reason, the action taken by the present government sixteen years later was not taken against them. I say that if any impartial judge today reads those articles—not one or two sentences detached from their context—he could never conclude that they were written by someone who did not wish Pakistan to be established and who, after its establishment, wished to abolish it. Only someone determined to entangle Maududi and his Jamaat in a net by any means, and bent on devising every kind of trick for that purpose, could derive such a meaning from those articles.

Creating Disorder Among Government Employees

The third allegation among the reasons for arrest and detention sent by you is that “the Jamaat-e-Islami infiltrated government departments and workers’ organizations with the intention of undermining the basis of government employees’ loyalty, creating disorder, and seizing power.”

This allegation also has two parts. One part concerns government employees, and the other concerns workers’ organizations. I shall answer these two allegations separately.

In everything that has been said about government employees, an attempt has been made deliberately to give a horrifying appearance to a straightforward matter. The real fact is that the Jamaat-e-Islami had been working extensively throughout this country for years. Its books were printed in thousands and hundreds of thousands of copies. They were openly sold in various places. Its libraries had been established in hundreds of places. Everyone was free to come there, read the books, and take them away for a specified period. Its meetings were held throughout the country. All kinds of people attended them and listened to the speeches. Lessons in the Quran and Hadith were delivered in hundreds of places. All kinds of people also took part in these. In this way, the movement was openly active throughout the country. How, then, could government employees—who were residents of this very country and lived alongside ordinary people in those localities—remain unaware of it and apart from it? The Jamaat itself did not infiltrate government employees through any plan or special effort. Government employees themselves read its books, attended its meetings, and took part in its lessons. Those among them whose hearts and minds responded to the Jamaat’s propagation accepted its influence of their own accord. We could not close the channels through which its books reached them. We had no power to blindfold them so that they could not read the books. We could not prevent them from attending our meetings and gatherings for lessons in the Quran and Hadith. If the government now wishes to do this, let it do so. Indeed, if possible, it may remove government employees from those cities and localities and confine them in some separate fortress, so that they do not feel any breeze of the movements taking place in this country.

Everything I have said above makes it clear that the Jamaat-e-Islami did not infiltrate government offices and employees. Rather, its ideas entered among government employees spontaneously and naturally, while the government itself repeatedly circulated directives in government offices and obtained affidavits from every government employee, thereby drawing its own employees toward it. Now, regarding the claim that this entry has undermined the basis of those employees’ loyalty, the government should explain what there is in the Jamaat-e-Islami’s books and propagation that displaces the loyalty of government employees. In truth, whether anyone acknowledges it or not, wherever the influence of the Jamaat-e-Islami’s propagation has reached government employees, they have become more responsible, more dutiful, more God-fearing, and more loyal. If any group among government employees is most free from corruption, accepting bribes, and neglect of duty, it is that group which has accepted the Jamaat-e-Islami’s books and influence. But the government attaches no value to this matter. Its only concern is that employees and officers must work like volunteers for the Convention League, while they must not even come into contact with any other opposition party, especially the Jamaat-e-Islami. I clearly stated my policy regarding government employees in the August 1955 issue of Tarjuman-ul-Quran, pages 366–368, and in the February 1956 issue, pages 420–422. I am placing both these journals before the Board.

Regarding the second part of the allegation, in which labor organization is mentioned, I demand that the government produce a single example proving that Jamaat-e-Islami ever created disorder with the help of workers, called a strike, or caused any kind of dispute in a factory. I am not asking for many examples—only one. Kindly cite it. The real fact is that, after the establishment of Pakistan, when Jamaat-e-Islami saw that Communist activists and their “fellow travelers,” the Red gentlemen, were infiltrating the workers and had begun a class struggle between employers and workers in order to clear the ground for a Communist revolution, it first formulated a policy for the working people and then began to act accordingly.

The policy formulated in this regard was as follows:

1. The notion that workers and factory owners—or, in other words, those who provide labor and those who benefit from labor—are two separate, mutually antagonistic and disputing classes must be eliminated. The idea must be strengthened that these two classes are parts of the same society and that, instead of conflict between them, cooperation should be established on the basis of Islamic principles of justice, so that, as parts of this society, they may contribute to its development.

2. Disputes that arise between workers and employers must not be allowed to progress toward strikes, lockouts, or riots and disturbances; rather, the disputes must be settled through the courts in accordance with the laws in force in the country for resolving such matters.

3. Any further amendments to the law required to establish justice in industrial matters must be made through the country’s legislative assemblies.

This policy was described in detail on pages 425–426 of the second edition of the first volume of my book Rasa’il-o-Masa’il and on pages 37–38 of Jamaat-e-Islami Ka Manshur. In accordance with this policy, the Labour Welfare Committee formed by Jamaat-e-Islami arranged for the settlement of numerous industrial disputes through the courts until 1958, and, by securing the withdrawal of strikes and lockouts in many places, redirected industrial disputes toward legal channels. As a result of this effort, disputes involving nine million rupees were settled through the courts, and when, after the imposition of martial law, the Jamaat had to suspend its own activities, cases involving seventy million rupees were pending. I have already said that throughout this entire period not a single incident occurred as a result of which Jamaat-e-Islami caused a strike, dispute, or riot anywhere. If the government can produce such an incident, it must certainly do so. But if it cannot, I submit that the government should refrain from trapping the peace-loving, law-abiding citizens of the country and bringing false accusations against them for the sake of political advantage.

Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba

Your fourth allegation is that “the Ameer of Jamaat-e-Islami, with active support and cooperation, was attempting, with the assistance of Jamiat-e-Talaba, to organize illegal strikes in educational institutions and create unrest and disturbances in public places.” In this allegation, Jamiat-e-Talaba has also been regarded as Jamaat-e-Islami’s counterpart among the students.

This allegation can be brought against me and Jamaat-e-Islami only when two things are proved: first, that Jamiat-e-Talaba ever organized an illegal strike at any institution or created unrest or disturbances in any educational institution; and second, that I or Jamaat-e-Islami gave any indication for this action. I emphatically assert that the government will be unable to prove either of these. That is why it has resorted to the Public Security Ordinance and the amended Criminal Law of 1908, so that it would not have to endure the trouble of presenting witnesses and evidence before a court, and so that the truth would not be exposed through an impartial judicial inquiry.

Although the brief statement I made above would suffice in reply to this allegation, the government press note issued last January 6, declaring the Jamaat illegal and detaining its leaders, is before me. That press note paints a most terrifying picture of Jamiat-e-Talaba and makes a strenuous effort to prove that Jamaat-e-Islami was in fact creating disturbances among the students through Jamiat-e-Talaba. Therefore, I cannot be content with the brief reply to the allegation cited above. Rather, I wish to clarify the real facts by giving a detailed answer to the allegations mentioned in the press note.

Jamiat-e-Talaba was established toward the end of 1947. It is an association of college and university students who, while studying science, philosophy, economics, law, engineering, medicine, and other modern subjects in our country’s educational institutions, also possess an Islamic mentality and outlook, adhere to moral values, strive to resist atheism, irreligion, and moral anarchy in their respective institutions, and endeavor to awaken Islamic feeling among the students. Among these young people are countless students who, while receiving advanced modern Western education, also observe Tahajjud. For the past sixteen years they have done tremendous work to resist the corruption of the faith and morals of the younger generation and to protect them from the flood of atheistic ideas and sinful conduct. To the best of my knowledge, I state with complete confidence that they have not committed any act contrary to the law to this day. On the contrary, they have strictly adhered to the principle of confining their activities within the bounds of the law. I am interested in these students because of these qualities. I wish to see in this country young people who, while attaining higher and higher education, also remain steadfast Muslims. These students are interested in me for the same reason: they hope that I will be able to provide them with solutions to the problems of modern life in the light of Islam. My relationship with them is hidden from no one, nor is there any reason to conceal it.

Although the government press note has gone to great lengths to portray the relationship between Jamaat-e-Islami and Jamiat-e-Talaba as deeper and closer than it is—an extreme exaggeration, much of it contrary to the truth—I nevertheless ask: even if all this were true, what crime would it constitute? The young people studying in our colleges and universities are not minors. They do not live in some forest far from the cities and settlements. They read all kinds of books. They read newspapers, attend meetings and conferences, and listen to speeches. They are literate, educated, adult young people. How, then, can any sensible person expect these young people to remain entirely unrelated to the movements being conducted in the country and the ideas and ideologies being propagated, without any influence falling upon them? In reality, among the students there are groups following as many different ideologies and paths as there are people of differing views and paths outside the educational institutions. Among the students there is not merely a counterpart of Jamaat-e-Islami; there are also counterparts of the Awami League, the National Awami Party, the Muslim League, the Nizam-e-Islam Party, and the underground Communist Party—all of them. And now a counterpart of the Convention League is also being born—indeed, has already been born. If these counterparts are lawful, how can the existence of Jamaat-e-Islami’s counterpart become a sin?

Whatever relationship may exist between Jamaat-e-Islami and Jamiat-e-Talaba, it cannot be regarded as a basis for declaring it forbidden or for taking any legal action until the two previously mentioned matters are proved: first, that Jamiat-e-Talaba committed an act that is legally a crime; and second, that this act was carried out at the direction of Jamaat-e-Islami.

The government press note has made a great effort to present two examples. First, in February 1962, during a speech by Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Jamiat-e-Talaba caused disturbances at the University of Punjab, and Jamaat-e-Islami issued instructions to create those disturbances. But the authors and publishers of this press note do not remember that martial law was in force in the country in February 1962. Both Jamiat-e-Talaba and Jamaat-e-Islami were illegal. There could therefore be no question of one group causing disturbances and another group issuing instructions for them. Even so, suppose it is accepted that this was indeed true: what explanation can be given for not taking action against it under martial law? Two prohibited organizations operate openly; one causes disturbances and the other orders them. Yet martial law remained silent? Does the government wish thereby to prove the incompetence of the martial-law authorities? To speak frankly, the fact that, two years later, this incident is now being accepted as the basis for action against me and Jamaat-e-Islami clearly proves that the government has searched out every possible pretext for raising its hand against me and the Jamaat. Nevertheless, if the government claims that this is not an invented pretext but entirely true, it should prove in an open court, by presenting evidence, that Jamiat-e-Talaba was the first to cause disturbances at Mr. Bhutto’s meeting and that Jamaat-e-Islami, secondly, issued the instructions. A doubtful and incomplete intelligence report—which is often deliberately prepared to trap someone—can never be accepted as testimony and evidence.

The second example presented by the government is that the disturbances recently caused by students in Lahore and elsewhere were directly the result of incitement by followers of Jamaat-e-Islami. The government claims that it possesses strong evidence in this matter. I say: if the government truly has such evidence, why has it been concealed? Why has it not been presented in court to prove our guilt? In fact, the government itself is entirely responsible for these events. It knowingly created tension and incited the students. It itself gave the matter a frightening form by inflicting extraordinary oppression and persecution. Then the government itself tried forcibly to place all the blame for this upon Jamaat-e-Islami. Yet I stated from the outset that the Jamaat had not the remotest connection with these disturbances. The matter began as follows: only two days before the university elections, Barakallah Khan, a candidate for president of the university union whose nomination papers had been duly accepted, was suddenly expelled from the university so that he would automatically be removed from the electoral contest. It should be known here that Barakallah Khan had no connection with Jamaat-e-Islami or Jamiat-e-Talaba. He had once been a member of the Jamiat, but the Jamiat had expelled him from membership. This was such an unjust act of persecution that it naturally caused discontent among the students, and all the candidates for the election—approximately sixty-five in number, including Barakallah Khan’s opposing candidate—boycotted the election. The candidates then formed an action committee themselves. Not a single person on this committee had the remotest connection with Jamiat-e-Talaba or Jamaat-e-Islami. It was this action committee that decided to protest against Barakallah Khan’s expulsion. It was this committee that prepared the practical program for the protest, and, according to its decision, the procession left the university on November 4, 1963. The police themselves allowed the procession to proceed, with its loudspeakers, as far as Charing Cross. Then, without any warning or notice, they charged the students with batons and fired tear gas at them. This further agitated the students. They returned and submitted a petition to the vice-chancellor requesting action against this oppression. But the vice-chancellor apparently regarded himself as helpless. Thus, far from calming the students by consoling them, he refused even to come outside and face them. This naturally caused still greater agitation among the students, and one group of them entered the vice-chancellor’s office and began causing disturbances there. The group of students who began the disturbance there consisted mainly of ordinary students. The government certainly has no evidence supporting the presence of any student connected with Jamiat-e-Talaba. On November 5, in accordance with the action committee’s program, the students decided to sit in a sit-in on the pavement outside the university. They were given only two minutes to disperse. Yet no sensible person can imagine that such a large number of students could disperse in two minutes—or how they could. As soon as the two minutes ended, the students were brutally baton-charged, and the police entered the university grounds and began inflicting severe violence.

Honorable Sir! This is the real account, from which it is clear that the authorities first created the tension and were then responsible for taking the matter further. Far from Jamaat-e-Islami being involved in the whole affair, it cannot even be proved that Jamiat-e-Talaba was in any way responsible. If the government believes its claim to be true and possesses strong evidence that supporters of Jamaat-e-Islami openly incited the students, it should come forward courageously. It should identify which people from the Jamaat created the tension and what role they played, in words and actions, in these disturbances.

Creating Discontent within the Armed Services

Your fifth allegation is that “the Jamaat is attempting, through objectionable speeches by its leaders, to create discontent within the armed services.” It is particularly noteworthy that the words “The Jamaat Attempt” appear among the reasons for arrest and detention. This is an entirely vague allegation. It does not tell us who made these objectionable speeches or what he said in them. Nevertheless, even if, for the sake of argument, it is accepted that some leaders made such speeches, why were they not prosecuted? What legal justification is there for binding the entire Jamaat to responsibility for their speeches? Jamaat-e-Islami has never resolved that discontent must be created within the armed forces. As Ameer of the Jamaat, I myself have issued no such instruction. If some leaders said something in a speech, they themselves were responsible for their speeches.

But, astonishingly, the government’s January 6 press note attributes this charge only to Mian Tofail Muhammad Sahib, alleging that he made such a speech in Mianwali on September 7, whereas the reason given for your arrest and detention alleges that the leaders of the Jamaat made such speeches. How will you explain this clear contradiction between the two government statements? Does this not make it clear that all these allegations are being brought without investigation? And when one allegation was made, did you not remember that only a few days earlier the honorable government itself had uttered something different from its own esteemed lips?

Non-Islamic Leadership

The allegations above were made against Jamaat-e-Islami and, through it, against me. In this sixth allegation, you have directly accused me of declaring in speeches delivered at various public meetings that “the nation’s leadership is non-Islamic and satanic.” My reply is that, regarding the word “satanic,” I wish to say that I have never used this word, nor am I accustomed to using such language when expressing disagreement with anyone. However, concerning those in whose hands authority in Pakistan lies, I have openly said, and still say, that they are not acting according to Islam; therefore, their leadership is non-Islamic. As the leader of an opposition party, it is my legal and democratic right to criticize the individual leadership exercising governmental authority and its actions. I am not at all willing to surrender this right. Let me be told: under what law can the expression of this opinion be called a crime?

Articles in Tarjuman al-Qur’an

Your final allegation is that, in the October 1, 1963 issue of my monthly Tarjuman al-Qur’an, I published an article against Iran and its royal family. You have further claimed that my purpose in publishing the article was to strike at the roots of the friendly relations between Pakistan and its traditional friend Iran. My submission in this regard is as follows:

1. The article you cited was a summary of several articles published by leading ulama of Iraq and Iran. One of them was a letter describing in detail the condition of contemporary Iranian scholars. This letter was written in the name of the leading Shi‘a scholar, al-Sayyid Abul Qasim al-Khoei. It was printed at the al-Nu‘man Press of Najaf al-Ashraf. Its title was “Risalatun min Ulama-i-Iran.”

The author of the second booklet was al-Sayyid al-Khoei himself. In it, he discussed the growing Jewish influence in Iran and warned the Iranian government to take precautions in this regard. The booklet was entitled “Tasrihatun Naziratil lil-Ummil-Khoei.”

The third booklet was another source for the article mentioned above. Its title was “Kifahul Ulama-il-A‘lam.” It was published by the Islamic Culture Association in Karbala. This booklet provided a detailed account, with authentic dates, of the events that took place in Iran.

2. After the article mentioned above was published, I received a reply to it from the Iranian Embassy, and I published that as well in the December 1963 issue of my journal. A copy of this issue has been submitted for the Board’s consideration, and I particularly draw attention to the editorial comments relating to the article. When a periodical or newspaper publishes the statements of both sides, what charge can be brought against it for violating the universally recognized principles of journalism?

3. I can cite at least fifty articles published by various Pakistani presses against Turkey, Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Kuwait, and other countries, which were similar or far more critical. Indeed, some of those articles even commented on the personal lives of the rulers of the countries mentioned. In prison I am unable to collect the old files of those periodicals and newspapers. But if I were given the opportunity, I could collect them and submit them for your consideration. The question now is: Is Iran the only friend of Pakistan? Or have the countries mentioned above also been recognized as our friends? And if they are regarded as friends of Pakistan, why was no action taken against those periodicals and newspapers that criticized them? What justification is there for taking action against Tarjuman al-Qur’an?

I have learned that, after publication of Tarjuman al-Qur’an was suspended, the weekly Al-Mimbar of Lyallpur was also closed. The paper had written against the Arab states. This was done to show that no discriminatory action had previously been taken. But Al-Mimbar was not the only paper to publish writing of this kind. As I said earlier, I am prepared to produce at least fifty examples of this kind. So, does taking action against just one more newspaper in this way really restore the balance?

4. The publication of Tarjuman al-Qur’an was previously suspended for publishing the article mentioned above. Now, is my arrest and detention for the same offense intended to fulfill the demands of justice, or to exact revenge?

5. I alone am responsible for publishing the article mentioned above in Tarjuman al-Qur’an. I am the sole owner of this journal, and I am its sole editor. I have published it since 1932, nine years before the formation of the Jamaat. The Jamaat has no connection whatsoever with its ownership, editing, management, profits, or losses. I have run it according to my personal circumstances and qualifications. Yet, for the publication of an article in such a journal, the government has held Jamaat-e-Islami responsible, declared it illegal, and imprisoned more than a hundred of its leaders. Does this not prove that the government has cast aside all standards of justice and decency and undertaken to forcibly place upon the Jamaat leaders blame for acts they did not commit?

6. How did you know that my purpose in publishing the article mentioned above was to strike at the roots of Pakistan-Iran friendship? It is a universally accepted principle throughout the world that when the government of a country follows a policy of oppression toward its people, and the people find themselves helpless, pressure from international public opinion can lead that government to recognize the need to change its policy and establish justice. The people of Iran are our Muslim brothers, and naturally we have deep love and sympathy for them. When, through the writings of eminent scholars of Iran and Iraq, I learned that injustice was being done to the people, I published summaries of those writings with the aim of using our moral influence upon the Iranian government to establish justice. As I have already mentioned, influential leaders in Iraq, Iran’s neighboring state, published those booklets for the same purpose. In reality, not even the slightest trace of the purpose alleged against me ever entered my mind. Not even the faintest shadow of the idea of “striking at the roots of Pakistan-Iran relations” ever entered my thoughts. But, in order to sacrifice me at the execution block, the government first grossly misinterpreted a universally accepted international principle and then brought a disgraceful allegation against the entire Jamaat, as has become perfectly clear from the press note of January 6, 1964. Before hanging the Jamaat on the gallows, it was thus defamed. But is this strange conduct of the government—its eagerness to pin any conspiracy on our heads and place any hat upon them—not sufficient evidence in itself?

In the preceding discussion, I have proved all seven allegations you brought against me to be false. I regret that in this discussion I have had to say many bitter things that the government dislikes. But I was compelled to do so. How could I acknowledge false and fabricated allegations? That is why I have clearly said that the reasons given for my arrest and detention are not the real reasons. There are other reasons behind the government’s action. The government is ashamed to state them. Therefore, fabricated allegations have been brought to conceal the real reasons.

Additional Reply to the Third Charge

Mr. Justice S. A. Mahmud,

Chairman, Review Board for Political Prisoners, Lahore

Sir,

I wish to append the following replies to the reply I previously submitted on 24 February 1964 in answer to the Government’s Charge No. 3.

Since I am imprisoned and my private office has been locked, I was unable to obtain an important portion of the materials necessary to refute the charges brought against me. Nevertheless, with great difficulty I managed to obtain a pamphlet. It is entitled ‘Proceedings of the Majlis-e-Shura of the Jamaat-e-Islami of Pakistan.’ This Shura was held from 15 to 19 April 1951. It was published in April 1951 by the Organisation Department of the Jamaat-e-Islami. This pamphlet describes the Jamaat-e-Islami’s method of work among the workers (see pages 53–60). This description of the Jamaat-e-Islami’s policy completely refutes the charge brought against it that it infiltrates workers’ organisations and ‘encourages them to create disturbances.’

In April 1951, the Majlis-e-Shura decided for the first time that the Jamaat should take an interest in workers’ problems, and I was authorised, as Amir of the Jamaat, to formulate a method of work in this regard. In exercise of the authority given to me, I issued the following instructions:

“If any workers’ group has expressed the desire that we organise and lead the workers, it should first be made clear to them that we can organise them and lead their movement for the achievement of their demands only on the following conditions—

(a) That the demands are lawful and reasonable, and that their grievances are true and just. We can never support their unjust and illegal demands or their unlawful grievances.

(b) They must be prepared to bind their movement for the fulfilment of their demands to peaceful, just and dignified methods of action. We do not approve of demonstrations, disturbances or hooliganism of any kind.

(c) They must not confine their activities to the pursuit of their own interests; rather, they must at the same time be prepared to improve their own moral and religious condition.”

In the same instruction, while discussing the method of work and the manner of organising such workers’ units, I wrote: First of all, moral and religious consciousness should be awakened among the workers. Thereafter, the following ideas should gradually be established in their minds:

1. All the means and resources and wealth of this country, whatever form they may take—land, industry, property and so forth—and whoever may have authority over them, are in reality national wealth and a trust. The preservation, prosperity and development of this national wealth are the moral and national duty of every citizen of the country.

2. Those who are prepared, directly or indirectly, to damage and destroy the national wealth by following the path of destruction and anarchy are enemies—not merely their own enemies, but enemies of the country and the nation.

3. As Muslims, we are God’s subjects, followers of Hazrat Muhammad (peace be upon him), and bound by the law of the Qur’an. However urgent our needs and however just our demands may be, it is not proper for us as Muslims to transgress, under any circumstances, the limits prescribed by God and His Messenger (peace be upon him). As long as we remain Muslims, we cannot rush about like an unbridled horse.

4. As Muslims, we cannot accept any philosophy or ideology other than Islam for solving our problems. Nor is there any need to do so, for Islam possesses the capacity and power to solve all our problems in the best possible manner. (In this connection, workers and labourers should acquire a general knowledge of the basic teachings of Islam and detailed knowledge concerning the solution of workers’ problems. In this way they will become aware of their rights and duties and will be able to form an accurate estimate of the opportunities and benefits Islam grants them even before they ask for them.)

5. The various sections and groups of society are like the various organs of the human body. Just as every organ of the human body cooperates with the others, and if they quarrel and wage war against one another no person can survive, so too a society in which hatred, rancour, enmity, rivalry, class struggle, factional conflict and a spirit of resistance toward one another occupy the place of its various parts cannot survive. A healthy society can be established only on the basis of love, mutual help and cooperation, and justice.

6. It is completely false, inhuman, born of cruelty and unjust for a person to magnify only his own rights and the duties of others while completely ignoring his own duties and the rights of others. In reality, everyone will have to answer before God concerning his duties and the rights of others.

The foregoing quotations concerning the Jamaat’s work among the workers are taken from a pamphlet published when the Jamaat began working among workers thirteen years ago. From the outset we adopted a clear method of work. The Government cannot say that it was unaware of this report or uninformed about the Jamaat’s labour policy. Is it not regrettable that, despite this clear statement by the Jamaat, the Government blindly gratified the political opposition and hostility of the ruling party and imposed upon us the false, unreasonable, baseless and other charge that we wished to seize power by creating discontent among the workers!

The reply that Maulana Maududi gave to the Foreign Secretary of the Government of West Pakistan and to Justice S. A. Mahmud, Chairman of the Review Board for Political Prisoners, was so logical, lawful and wise that it not only proved the accusers’ charges baseless and malicious, but also exposed the true disease of the opponent’s hate-filled mind. By bringing such ridiculous charges on behalf of the Government of Pakistan, the vested interests—namely, the ruling Convention League—made an established government an object of ridicule before the people, respectable society, lawyers and the outside world.

Kashmiri Leaders’ Replies to the Charges

In a statement, the former President of Azad Jammu and Kashmir, Mr. Sardar Muhammad Ibrahim Khan, said—

“All the charges made against Maulana Maududi concerning the jihad in Kashmir are entirely baseless. When Maulana Maududi was sent to prison in 1994 on the basis of these charges, I was the President of this state. I investigated these charges and found that they contained not the slightest trace of truth. There can be no doubt about Maulana Maududi’s patriotism, his loyalty to the state, or his complete support for Kashmir’s freedom movement.” (APP—Daily Kohistan, Rawalpindi, 8 November 1963). The former President of Azad Jammu and Kashmir, Mr. Saiyid Ali Ahmad Shah, said—

“It is not right to turn the jihad in Kashmir into a subject of controversy, nor is it right repeatedly to declare that Maulana Maududi is opposed to the Kashmir jihad. This undermines Kashmir’s cause. All the parties in the country have so far been united on Kashmir. Maulana Maududi has consistently supported the right of self-determination and a plebiscite for the people of the state of Jammu and Kashmir, and, God willing, he will continue to support them in the future. I also know with certainty that Maulana Maududi is a vehement opponent of the partition of Kashmir. Every Muslim state in the world holds this same view of the Kashmir problem. When jihad was continuing in Kashmir in 1948, Maulana Maududi and the Jamaat-e-Islami, with my permission, distributed cash and supplies among the Azad Kashmir forces. Maulana Maududi has never been, and is still not, opposed to the Kashmiris’ right of self-determination and a plebiscite. I firmly believe that if now or in the future the United Nations or India violates or rejects the Security Council’s resolutions, Maulana Maududi will certainly advise Pakistan and the other Muslim states and issue a fatwa for jihad.” (Anjam, Peshawar, 1 December 1963)

Statement by Kashmiri Leader Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas:

“Rawalpindi, 2 February 1964. Today, a session of the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference was held here in the Public Library Hall under the chairmanship of Mr. Raja Muhammad Haider Khan, President of the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference. Two hundred councillors from Azad Kashmir attended the session. Quaid-i-Millat Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas said in his address to the session, ‘On behalf of the councillors of the Muslim Conference, we have received a notice requesting that the councillors’ session adopt a condemnatory resolution against the restrictions imposed on the Jamaat-e-Islami and the arrest of its leaders. I consider it necessary to make it clear before all the members of the General Council that we have no connection with the internal politics of Pakistan. But we have to express our opinion on matters connected with the Kashmir problem.'”

“It is a universally acknowledged truth that all persons associated with the Jamaat-e-Islami are patriots—indeed, the greatest patriots. In truth, it was the only party in the country that was making an organised effort by lawful means for Islamic democracy in the country. What Maulana Maududi alone has done regarding the Kashmir problem and the attainment of the Kashmiris’ right of self-determination, all of us together—even with all the efforts of our Government—have been unable to do. Through the Rabita al-Alam al-Islami, formed by the Islamic states, Maulana Maududi brought the Kashmir problem before the nations of the world and secured support for self-determination in our favour, which Pakistan desires. Moreover, Maulana Maududi was a member of the Kashmir Committee. In this respect too, he worked more than all of us together. In a statement assuring aid and support on behalf of his Jamaat, he said (the statement was published in the newspapers on 1 January 1964), ‘The Government needs to take a practical step regarding the Kashmir problem.’ But the Government of Pakistan unexpectedly took such a practical step that, by arresting Maulana Maududi and the leaders of the Jamaat-e-Islami, it silenced that voice, thereby causing irreparable harm to the people of Kashmir.”

“Moreover, no one is unaware that in occupied Kashmir the Jamaat-e-Islami is currently the only firmly established party among all the political parties. Its branches extend from village to village. For this reason, imposing restrictions on a peaceful and democratic party such as the Jamaat-e-Islami in an Islamic and democratic country like Pakistan will inevitably generate hatred for Pakistan in the hearts of the Kashmiri people.”

“At present, Kashmir’s peaceful and tranquil environment has become a heated powder magazine, and if Pakistan genuinely wishes to gain Kashmir, a more favourable time will never come. What was needed at this time was the sincere and united support and cooperation of the entire Pakistani nation. The Government of Pakistan had secured it. But it is a matter of regret for us that, precisely at this time, by imposing restrictions on Maulana Maududi and the Jamaat-e-Islami, the Government deprived itself of help and cooperation. This shows that the Government does not wish to take any effective step in this matter.”

“If the Government of Pakistan is sincere about the Kashmir problem, then our demand is that Maulana Maududi and the leaders of the Jamaat-e-Islami be released unconditionally and that the restrictions on the Jamaat-e-Islami be withdrawn.”

The entire council unanimously expressed its support for the foregoing address of the Quaid-i-Millat and demanded of the Government of Pakistan and President Field Marshal Muhammad Ayub Khan that Maulana Maududi and the Jamaat leaders be released and the restrictions on the Jamaat-e-Islami be withdrawn. (Weekly Pak-Kashmir, Rawalpindi, 6 February 1964).

Release of the Maulana and Jamaat Leaders

It is worth noting that on 6 January 1964, immediately after the Jamaat-e-Islami was declared illegal, Maulana Saiyid Abul A’la Maududi (Amir, Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan) and thirteen Jamaat leaders of West Pakistan were arrested. The leaders of East Pakistan were released within six or seven months. But even after the explicit judgment of the Honourable Supreme Court on 25 September 1964, the leaders of West Pakistan, including Maulana Maududi, were unjustly and illegally kept imprisoned. A writ of habeas corpus was, of course, filed in the West Pakistan High Court against this unjust detention order.

On 9 October 1964, the West Pakistan High Court stated in its judgment that ‘the detention of the leaders was entirely unjust and illegal.’ The Honourable High Court ordered the Government to release the leaders immediately.

Under the High Court’s order, after spending more than nine months in prison without any fault, Maulana Maududi and the other Jamaat leaders had the opportunity to return to the free air of the outside world. The people of Lahore waited to give the Maulana a warm welcome at the jail gate. Finally, after three o’clock at night, the prison gate opened, the Maulana stepped outside, and a grand procession was held for him. The cry of victory for truth resounded once again, and the balloon of falsehood vanished into the vast sky.

The Role of Maulana Maududi and the Jamaat-e-Islami in the Recent Indo-Pakistani War

On 6 September 1965, imperialist India attacked Pakistan by land and air without declaring war. With tanks, armoured cars and heavy weapons, Indian troops crossed the Wagah border east of Lahore and advanced toward Lahore. The thunderous sound of Indian artillery and gunfire had been heard since late the previous night. But the people of Lahore did not learn what had actually happened until before nine o’clock the following morning.

On 5 September, Kashmiri leader Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas, Maulana Maududi, Muhammad Ali, Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan, Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan and other leaders met in Rawalpindi. The next morning, 6 September, as soon as news of the war was received, Maulana Maududi left for Lahore at eight o’clock.

Shortly before noon, Mr. Saiyid Munir Husain, Secretary of the Information Department of the Government of West Pakistan, informed the Maulana by telephone at his residence that the President of Pakistan had invited the leaders of the opposition parties to meet at his residence in Rawalpindi at seven in the evening. Maulana Maududi had not yet reached Lahore. The Information Secretary requested that, as soon as the Maulana reached Lahore, he be informed, and he would send government transport to take him to Rawalpindi.

In any event, the Maulana met the President and informed him that he and his Jamaat were ready at every moment for any service and sacrifice during that grave hour of national crisis.

Needless to say, when the oppression and persecution inflicted by imperialist India upon the Kashmiri Muslims reached its peak, the oppressed Muslim people declared jihad in self-defence in the latter part of August. Maulana Maududi had already issued an impassioned appeal to the people of Pakistan for every kind of assistance to the Kashmiri mujahidin and instructed all workers of the Jamaat-e-Islami to come forward in this regard. Thereafter, under the name ‘Kashmir Jihad Fund,’ Jamaat workers began collecting funds in East and West Pakistan. Not only cash but also various kinds of necessary supplies continued to be collected. The people too donated with open hands, displaying unprecedented sacrifice and devotion.

Maulana Maududi did not stop there. He wrote to nearly one hundred scholars, thinkers, leaders and newspaper editors throughout the Muslim world, requesting every kind of assistance for the Kashmir jihad. His appeal was published in many newspapers and periodicals of the Muslim world. As a result, a great stir was created everywhere, and work began rapidly in response to the Maulana’s appeal.

When India began its attack directly on Pakistani territory on 6 September 1965, the Maulana issued the following appeal to the people of Pakistan:

“After the audacity displayed today by the Indian troops in crossing the Wagah border and advancing toward Lahore, the war is no longer confined to Jammu and Kashmir; rather, a full-scale war has begun between the two countries. And it began without a declaration. It is now the duty of every citizen of Pakistan to gird himself for fighting and dying and to defend every inch of this sacred land with his life and property. Of course, there is no doubt that, by God’s grace, the men of our army are extremely brave, and we have complete confidence in their valour. Nevertheless, whenever any part of the country is attacked, resisting it is not made obligatory only upon the army; in accordance with the command of Allah and His Messenger (peace be upon him), it becomes obligatory upon every Muslim. Therefore, I call upon all the Muslims of Pakistan to stand fully united for the security of this country and to prepare themselves for every kind of sacrifice. Maulana Maududi subsequently delivered five speeches over Pakistan Radio to inspire the nation with the spirit of jihad. The Government of Pakistan printed the speeches in pamphlet form and distributed them among the people and the armed forces. It would not be an exaggeration to say that the Maulana’s speeches on jihad infused the army, the border population and the nation as a whole with an unprecedented and invincible strength for jihad in the path of Allah. After the ceasefire, at the beginning of December, we went to see the battle fronts. Even then, in the barracks of our soldier brothers at the historic Chawinda battlefront, in the sector which foreign experts have called the ‘Graveyard of Indian Tanks,’ we saw pamphlets containing the Maulana’s speeches on jihad.”

Maulana Maududi’s Visit to Azad Kashmir

From Muzaffarabad, Maulana Maududi delivered a speech over Azad Kashmir Radio containing irrefutable arguments and factual information concerning the Kashmir problem. Thereafter, accompanied by the Secretary-General of the Jamaat-e-Islami and several responsible persons from the Jamaat’s central office, he visited various battle areas of Azad Kashmir and appealed to everyone to strengthen their relationship with God and maintain firm morale. The Maulana’s visit to Azad Kashmir gave immense encouragement and inspiration to the people, the mujahidin and the Azad Kashmir Government.

Thereafter, at the request of the Azad Kashmir Government, the Jamaat-e-Islami assumed full responsibility for the care and treatment of thousands of refugees arriving from occupied Kashmir and India and of soldiers wounded in the war. For this purpose, it established eight medical centres in the districts of Poonch and Mirpur and bore all their expenses. The necessary medical officers and other staff were recruited by the Jamaat. This service continued uninterruptedly from November 1965 until June 1966.

A copy of the letter sent by the Azad Kashmir Government to Mr. Saiyid Siddiqul Hasan Gilani, Director of the Jamaat’s Relief Department, expressing gratitude for the Jamaat-e-Islami’s services, is given below:

Copy of the Letter

No. INF/519/66

PRESIDENT’S HOUSE

MUZAFFARABAD

DATED THE 5^TH APRIL, 1966

Sayed Siddiqul Hasan Gilani, Esq.

Organiser, Medical Units.

Jamaat-i-Islami Pakistan

Ichhra, Lahore

Kindly refer to your letter No. … dated 25.2.66 concerning the winding up of the medical units established by Jamaat-i-Islami in Azad Kashmir during November 1965.

I have been instructed by the President of the Azad Government of the State of Jammu & Kashmir to convey, on his behalf, his gratitude for the invaluable assistance and cooperation rendered by Jamaat-i-Islami in all matters, particularly in the medical field. Undoubtedly, the support of Jamaat-i-Islami has brought great relief to the victims of the barbarity of the Indian forces and the Jana Sanghis across the Ceasefire Line.

I have also been instructed to request you kindly to convey the feelings of gratitude to the doctors and other members of the medical units who worked in Azad Kashmir under extremely difficult conditions and served the refugees at considerable personal sacrifice.

1. M. Hashmi

Secretary to Government

Azad Government of Jammu & Kashmir.

I am also presenting readers with a brief account of this relief work.

During the past eight months, a total of 202,836 (two hundred two thousand eight hundred thirty-six) people were treated at the eight medical units mentioned above. It may be noted that Jamaat-i-Islami collected a total of Rs. 295,168.68 for relief work. Of this, Rs. 125,000 in cash was handed over to the President of Azad Kashmir. Rs. 75,511.00 was allocated for the medical units; Rs. 3,637.89 was given to students; Rs. 2,100.00 was provided by Lahore for war refugees; Rs. 19,044.85 was kept in reserve at Habib Bank; Rs. 5,985.00 was spent on employees’ allowances; Rs. 28,551.23 was spent on purchasing necessary goods, such as quilts, bedding, utensils and so forth; Rs. 8,734.26 was spent on vehicles, transport, packing and so forth; Rs. 1,811.48 was spent on volunteers’ allowances; Rs. 2,638.80 was spent on washing clothes and repairing and purchasing shoes; and, after all other miscellaneous expenses, Rs. 1,188.44 remained in the fund and was deposited in Jamaat’s relief fund.

Besides medical services, sufficient quantities of every kind of daily necessity were collected and sent to Azad Kashmir for more than a hundred thousand refugees. There was no essential item for human needs that was not provided. Even several hundred galvanized tin boxes filled with valuable wedding gifts were provided for refugee brides and grooms, so that a little joyful laughter might appear at the weddings of those driven from their homes.

After the needs of Azad Kashmir had been met, sixteen truckloads of supplies were sent back to the Jamaat office in Rawalpindi and were later distributed among people affected by the war in the Sialkot sector. The relief goods collected by Jamaat workers following Maulana Maududi’s fervent appeal to the Muslim public were worth no less than three to three and a half million rupees.

In addition, Jamaat workers collected Rs. 558,645.38 in cash for the “Jihad Kashmir Fund,” the “Pakistan Defence Fund,” and aid for the homeless (five hundred fifty-eight thousand six hundred forty-five rupees and thirty-eight paisas). Many Jamaat workers offered their services at the battlefront. On some battlefronts they arranged food and drink for the soldiers and stood guard at night to protect the railway lines. Inspired by jihad, a district amir of Jamaat-i-Islami repeated the example of Hazrat Siddiq Akbar (may Allah be pleased with him), the first Caliph of Islam. He gave freely for jihad all the furnishings of his home, down to his last penny. [But it is a great truth that a society opposed to Islam cannot tolerate anyone who regards Allah as the sole Lord and sacrifices knowledge and wealth in His path. Here, too, history repeated itself. The district authorities began implicating this warrior in jihad in political cases one after another and ordering his detention. It should be noted that during the Bhutto government he was an outspoken leader of the opposition. Consequently, he became a victim of the Bhutto government’s conspiracy and attained martyrdom by an assassin’s bullet. He was Dr. Nazir Ahmad, who had been elected an MNA in 1970.]

A Call for Unity During the War

Maulana Maududi was the first to bring together all the leaders of the opposition parties and form a joint war committee, and all the committee’s work was carried out at the Jamaat’s central office. The committee informed the government of its unconditional cooperation in all matters relating to the war.

Pakistan’s Service Abroad

After India directly attacked Pakistan, Maulana Maududi sent an open letter addressed to the Muslim nations of the world for publication in various newspapers of the Muslim countries. It was published in almost all the newspapers in due course. A copy of the letter follows:

“Imperialist India has cast off the mask of peacefulness and neutrality and has attacked Pakistan from all sides with large numbers of soldiers equipped with modern weapons. There can be no other reason for this barbaric assault than that the oppressed Muslims of Kashmir had declared jihad to save themselves from India’s brutal oppression, while Pakistan had helped the Kashmiris solely out of Islamic brotherhood. The Kashmiri and Pakistani mujahideen captured many places in occupied Kashmir within one week. Seeing this, India, panic-stricken, suddenly attacked Pakistan by land, sea and air, while at the same time beginning unspeakable persecution of Indian and Kashmiri Muslims. Alongside our armed forces are the weapons of ‘faith in Allah’ and ‘reliance upon Allah.’ That is why, in every clash so far, Pakistani soldiers have set an extraordinary example of bravery. I appeal to the ten crore Muslims of Pakistan and the Muslim states to come forward, inspired by Islamic brotherhood, to provide their Pakistani and Kashmiri brothers with financial and moral assistance in resisting the Indian attack.”

Needless to say, the unprecedented response this produced throughout the Muslim world will be written in letters of gold in history. No one is unaware of the response made by the World Muslim Congress of Mecca, the Ikhwan al-Muslimun, the Muslim countries of the Middle East and Africa, and the various institutions there. In reply, the famous religious leader of Iran, Allama Muhammad al-Sadiq al-Ruhani, informed Maulana Maududi that India’s attack on Pakistan had left Iran’s ulama, shaykhs and ordinary Muslims restless and agitated.

It is noteworthy that even before Jamaat-i-Islami was declared illegal by the government, Maulana Maududi’s international passport was confiscated without any reason being given. The central office of the World Muslim Congress of Mecca (Rabitah al-Alam al-Islami) was established there. Maulana Maududi was a member of its central executive committee. He was also a lifelong member of the governing body of the Islamic University established in Medina. During the Hajj, urgent and important meetings of both institutions were held, which Shah Faisal also attended. After the government confiscated the Maulana’s passport, he was unable to go to Mecca for several years. After the Indo-Pak war, his passport was returned, and he went to Mecca during the following Hajj. He prepared an informative and valuable booklet on the Kashmir issue in English and Arabic and took nearly fifty thousand copies with him. These were distributed among educated pilgrims arriving from different countries of the world. The booklets were so full of important information and historical events, and the root causes of the Kashmir issue, its past background, and the political, economic, religious and cultural history of the Kashmiri Muslims were written in such precise and moving language, that no government department has so far been able to present to the public a booklet, history or statement of such high quality. In this booklet, the Maulana clearly proved one thing: the Kashmir issue is not Pakistan’s alone, but that of the entire Muslim world. If Pakistan’s defensive wall collapses before India’s imperial drive for conquest, its advance will continue to the far western limits of the Muslim world. Not only that, India’s true relationship with Pakistan will also become clear to the Muslims of the world.

Moreover, during the previous Hajj, at a gathering of seven or eight hundred distinguished leaders selected from various countries and organized at the initiative of the World Muslim Congress, Maulana Maududi highly praised the bravery of the Pakistan Army in the Indo-Pak war. He delivered a lengthy speech about the unshakable morale and extraordinary sacrifices of the Pakistani people, the barbaric and brutal conduct of the Indian Army, India’s evil designs and other matters. In clear language and with forceful arguments, the Maulana made the audience understand that India’s covetous eye on the oil resources of the Muslim countries was unmistakable. For this reason, it wished to establish Hindu-Indian imperialism over the Muslim countries of Afro-Asia. Thereafter, a resolution demanding the release of Sheikh Abdullah was adopted at a meeting of the World Muslim Congress.

In short, from the beginning of the war through the ceasefire and the period following the Tashkent Agreement, the Maulana’s service to Pakistan was unparalleled. But just as a bat, unable to tolerate the sun’s rays—the life-giving force of the world—spends the whole day hanging upside down and kicking at the sun, so a section of the people of Pakistan, driven by groundless hostility toward the Maulana, busied themselves spreading baseless stories about him at home and abroad. Even after the war, several thousand pamphlets containing baseless allegations and abusive denunciations of the Maulana were sent to Mecca from some quarter. But, observing the atmosphere there, no one dared distribute them.

When Indian troops, after suffering a severe defeat on one front of the Indo-Pak war, began to retreat, the Security Council and the great powers under its authority started pressuring Pakistan for a ceasefire. At that time, Maulana Maududi clearly expressed Jamaat-i-Islami’s view on the matter, saying that until a firm arrangement had been made for a plebiscite in Kashmir in accordance with the resolution adopted by the Security Council—which India had also accepted—agreeing to a ceasefire would amount to suicide for Pakistan. Even afterward, the Maulana continued to give the Pakistan government his just, reasoned and sincere advice. But everything became a cry in the wilderness. The Tashkent Agreement reduced everything to failure. Pakistan’s national hopes and aspirations were shattered, and the oppressed Kashmiri Muslims were thrust before hungry and savage cannibals.

From the Indo-Pak War Until 1970, Before the Maulana Went Abroad for Medical Treatment

For five years after the Indo-Pak war, Maulana Maududi played the leading role in the struggle to establish democracy in Pakistan. The Maulana expressed the view that the unconditional declaration of a ceasefire, followed by the Tashkent Agreement in January, had damaged Pakistan’s image. In protest against the Tashkent Agreement, an all-party national conference was convened in Lahore on 13 February 1966, where Maulana Maududi and opposition leaders delivered speeches severely criticizing the government and the Tashkent Agreement. But the government stopped publication of the conference’s speeches and resolutions. In response, a mass movement called the Pakistan Democratic Movement began throughout the country.

The Maulana’s Arrest

Since Maulana Maududi was the very life of the democratic movement, he had become a thorn in the ruling group’s side. The government was looking for various pretexts to arrest him and remove him from the field of struggle indefinitely, and at last they found one.

After the evening of 10 January 1967, an announcement was made over radio and television, citing the government Ru’yat-i-Hilal Committee, that the Eid al-Fitr moon had been sighted and that Eid al-Fitr would be observed throughout the country the next day, 11 January. Yet the moon had not been sighted anywhere in Pindi, Lahore, Karachi, Delhi or East Pakistan. Accordingly, the respected ulama disagreed with the Ru’yat-i-Hilal Committee. They decided that Eid would be observed on 12 January instead of 11 January, and this was announced throughout the country through the newspapers. The Muslim public, too, was unwilling to observe Eid on 11 January without seeing the moon, because no report of a sighting on the evening of 10 January had come from anywhere. Consequently, although a very small number of people throughout the country observed Eid on 11 January merely to please the government, the entire nation observed the sacred Eid al-Fitr on Friday, 12 January.

This wounded Ayub Khan’s prestige. Thereafter, statement after statement from ministers and sycophants, supporting the government decision and denouncing the ulema, particularly Maulana Maududi, began appearing in the newspapers. The government’s evil intention was thus clear to everyone. Accordingly, on 19 January, four renowned ulema of Lahore, including Maulana Maududi, were arrested and sent to separate prisons. Maulana Maududi was transferred to Bannu Jail, several hundred miles from Lahore, and his whereabouts were kept completely secret from the people for several days.

A month after the arrests, Ayub Khan boasted at a governors’ conference that certain ulema had been arrested because they wanted to make religion their puppet.

But the actual matter was the complete opposite. Ayub Khan himself did not wish to remain under religion; rather, he wanted to bring religion, that is, Islam, under his control. In contrast, Maulana Maududi and the truth-abiding ulema were absolutely unwilling to tolerate the slightest interference by anyone in Islam.

When Chaudhry Rahmat Ilahi filed a petition in the High Court on behalf of Jamaat-i-Islami against this unjust detention order, 13 March was fixed as the date of hearing. While the hearing was in progress, the government was compelled to release the Maulana on 16 March. He was then honorably brought from Bannu Jail to his residence in Lahore.

The Maulana’s Journey Abroad for Medical Treatment

Because stones had formed in his urinary bladder, the Maulana had suffered from this stone disease for a long time. As a result, his health had deteriorated completely in the meantime. For the sake of the work of the faith, he had made his body and mind like stone. Consequently, he worked day and night even amid severe illness. He never expressed the pain and suffering of his illness with his lips, nor was a shadow of pain ever seen on his face.

His urinary bladder was first operated on 16 October 1946, when he was staying at Darul Islam, Pathankot. His illness was caused by sitting continuously for hours and forgoing sound sleep at night in order to write and study. With Unani and allopathic medicines, the stones would pass with the urine, only to form again. Hakim Muhammad Sharif Amritsari continued treating him, but the illness was not cured. Therefore, at everyone’s request, the Maulana agreed to undergo surgery.

Lahore’s Jafar Iqbal was a friend of the Maulana, and his brother, Dr. Riyaz Qadir, was a renowned surgeon. It was decided that Dr. Riyaz Qadir would operate on the Maulana at Amritsar Hospital in October. In preparation for the operation, he arranged some medicines and advised the Maulana to take complete rest. Accordingly, on 25 September the Maulana went to Shimla and stayed at the home of Sufi Abdur Rahim. He then came to Amritsar on 13 October, and Dr. Riyaz Qadir operated on him on 16 October. Five stones were found in his urinary bladder. The operation was successful, and on 13 November the Maulana left the hospital and reached Darul Islam by evening. Six days later, on 19 November, the Maulana went to Sialkot to rest and returned to Darul Islam at the end of December.

Twenty-two years later, on the advice of doctors, he once again has to go to London for a urinary-bladder operation. Quite naturally, the Maulana’s countless devotees and admirers have become anxious and distressed at the thought of his separation. The emotions and enthusiasm of their hearts, anguished by separation, found expression in words and tears at the Maulana’s residence at 5/A Jaildar Park and at the various farewell events held in Lahore.

From August to December 1968

The afternoon of 22 August.

At Lahore Airport, the emotional outpouring of thousands of grief-stricken people has gathered. Complete discipline prevails among the crowd. There is no noise, no tumult. There is only the desperate yearning to bid farewell silently, floating in tears. A stream of people is constantly flowing toward the airport. This gathering has come to see the Maulana once before his departure for London.

In the afternoon, the sun is raining fire upon the airport. The people bidding farewell to the Maulana are waiting in orderly rows with complete discipline. In their hands are various banners: “What is Pakistan’s foundation? Islam. What will keep Pakistan alive? Islam. What is Pakistan’s source? There is no god but Allah.”

The deeply revered man who calls people toward truth and goodness, and for whose sight this sea of people has gathered, has arrived at the airport. The unblinking eyes of countless people are fixed upon him. The waiting crowd is engraving in its hearts every word issuing from his lips, and they will convey these precious words of farewell to millions of men and women who lacked the opportunity and good fortune to attend this farewell ceremony. In a voice choked with tears, the Maulana addressed the crowd: “My counsel to all of you is that you continue working with complete sincerity and steadfastness to establish Allah’s faith in the land of Pakistan. I shall continue to pray for you, and you too should continue to pray for me, so that Allah Almighty may make us true servants of His faith. May He grant us the ability to do whatever we can with greater skill and devotion.”

The crowd cried out in plaintive voices, “Amin.”

25 August.

Today Karachi Airport has taken on the appearance of Lahore Airport two days earlier. The Maulana is climbing the aircraft stairs. Covered in a shadow of sorrow, the entire airport has assumed a calm, solemn and sacred atmosphere. The prayers of the people who have come to bid farewell are murmuring through the air around the airport. Standing at the top of the stairs, the Maulana raised his hand and said “Khuda Hafiz” to the crowd.

PIA’s Boeing aircraft flies toward its destination on its two wings across many countries, rivers and seas beneath the blue sky. Among the passengers, some are satisfying their thirst for drink, some are conversing with fellow travelers, and some are absorbed in enjoying literary works for entertainment. But how could the Maulana have time for any of this? He is engaged in making the necessary corrections to the English translation of his writings. From time to time, the aircraft descends from the sky onto the earth at Tehran, Beirut and Istanbul. At each place, the airport’s air resounds with the voices of those seeking a glimpse of the Maulana crying, “Allahu Akbar.” Among them are the city’s distinguished people, respected ulema, leaders of various institutions, university professors and students. The Maulana’s personality is not confined to any one country; rather, it is universal. He belongs not only to Pakistan, but to the whole world. He is an object of reverence for the Muslim world, which seeks true guidance from him for following the path of Islam.

The Maulana is personally unknown to the people who have gathered. Yet their sincere expression of respect and spontaneous emotional outpouring, undiminished, bears witness to the fact that the two are well known to each other—of long years, of ages, of centuries. Why is the relationship between the caller to truth and those who accept the truth so deep and strong, and where is the time—or what is the need—to answer this and all the other questions of the kind? What the two eyes are witnessing in this moving scene, and what the heart is feeling, is itself the answer.

“Allahu Akbar” is resounding and echoing through Europe’s largest airport. Alongside it are heard “Pakistan Zindabad” and “Islami Nizam Zindabad.” It is 5:30 in the afternoon according to British Standard Time. The Maulana has descended from the aircraft. Crowds arriving from Newton, Birmingham, Manchester, Rochester, Bradford and twenty or twenty-two other cities are spontaneously greeting the Maulana. Among them are Arabs, Turks, and people from Asia and Africa. There are also many Pakistanis and new Muslims from various parts of Europe. Various banners and festoons written in English, Arabic, Urdu, Japanese, Malay and Turkish attract the spectators’ attention. From the third floor and galleries of London Airport, thousands of European spectators are enjoying this unprecedented scene with unwavering eyes. What was said in Lahore, Karachi and the various airports along the way is being said at London Airport as well. This unprecedented and unparalleled welcome is not an acknowledgment of support for any individual; it is a confession of full support for a worldview and a way of life. Along with it is an expression, on behalf of a millat and nation, of embracing a man who devoted his entire life to Islam and bore direct witness to the “martyrdom of truth.” It is a powerful declaration of accepting truth and rejecting falsehood.

It may be mentioned that this revered person was none other than the one who took up the pen forty-eight years ago, at the age of only seventeen. The world then saw that the subject of his pen was Islam, and that the thought, aspiration, and efforts of his entire life were devoted to Islam. Every day and night, every hour and every moment of his past bore witness that the work for which he spent this period was the true religion, that is, the establishment of the truth of the religion. At one time, he was even seen prepared to embrace death for the sake of this truth. Millions of people observed every moment of his life. It is no secret to them that he presented this truth before the entire nation: the sole objective of the life of Muslims is to establish Islam as a complete code of life, victorious and exalted. Through his life, he proved that if one is to work for Islam, one’s character and conduct must be those of a true Muslim. If the call is to be given to Islam, then the fear of God must remain in the heart at every moment. If one is to invoke the Qur’an and Sunnah, then all instruction and learning must come from the Qur’an and Sunnah. If the banner of truth is to be raised high, it must be done in such a way that it creates a tremendous apprehension for falsehood.

The London Years

Maulana came to London for medical treatment—for an operation on his urinary bladder. On the one hand, all kinds of preparations for the operation were under way. On the other, Muslims injured in various parts of the world and those living in England, along with their organizations, felt that Maulana Sayyid Abul A‘la Maududi was present among them. Europeans from near and far, as well as English converts to Islam, met the Maulana and received satisfactory answers to their various questions. FOSIS, the international organization of Muslim students, arranged a dinner in the Maulana’s honor, providing an opportunity for many people to meet him together. The Maulana answered the interviewers’ various questions. The BBC and other news agencies also interviewed him.

At the Conference of the UK Islamic Mission

A three-day international conference of the UK Islamic Mission began in London on August 31. The Maulana attended on the second day of the conference. Representatives from all the countries of the Muslim world participated in it. In his address, the Maulana said:

“You are ambassadors of Islam in this country. Whether you wish it or not, the non-Muslims here regard you as representatives of Islam. Therefore, an immense responsibility naturally falls upon you and all the Muslims living here: whatever you do here and whatever picture of your conduct and behavior you present, they will attribute it all to Islam. You yourselves will be responsible for the opinion they form from your manner and character. Think carefully—what a great responsibility this is, for which we shall have to answer on the Day of Judgment.”

In the profoundly serious and silent atmosphere, each word of that speech struck the innermost depths of the listeners’ hearts. Every heart felt the impact. This was the Maulana’s lofty call to every conscience. And this was the fundamental appeal of his lifelong Islamic da‘wah. In connection with his address on the third day of the conference, the Maulana said:

“I have complete faith that Islam can spread wherever people live in the world. If you present proof of Islam’s truth through your conduct, then, Insha’Allah, Islam will spread even among the non-Muslim communities here. To tell the truth, you are fortunate that Allah has given you the opportunity to conquer the English nation.”

On September 6, the Maulana delivered the Friday address (khutbah) at the Islamic Cultural Centre. The following day, the number of people seeking to visit him at his residence increased greatly, because on September 8 the Maulana was to go to the hospital for his operation. Among those who met him on the seventh were Sudanese students, eminent Nigerians, and distinguished people from other countries. On the evening of the previous day, the Maulana went to the clinic for the operation scheduled for September 9 at London Clinic. Professor Khurshid Ahmad and the Maulana’s son, Dr. Ahmad Farooq Maududi, accompanied him.

The next day, September 9, the operation began at 2:20 p.m. British Standard Time, and a stone weighing 24 grams was removed from the urinary bladder. At four o’clock, the Maulana was brought out of the operating theater unconscious. At 5:30 p.m., he regained consciousness. He spent the night comfortably. The following day at noon, he slowly sat up in bed and returned the greetings of those who came to visit him.

On September 24, the Maulana returned to his residence from Dr. Alexander Bednuk’s clinic. In London, he was the guest of Mr. Rashid Ahmad Siddiqui. At that time, telegrams, telephone calls, and letters from all over the world, seeking news of the Maulana’s condition, were arriving continuously and piling up at Mr. Siddiqui’s house. In addition, eminent people from various countries were constantly coming and going.

On October 21, the Maulana had to return to the clinic. This time, an operation was needed to remove one of his urinary bladders. The operation was rather dangerous. The next day, after a two-hour operation, the nonfunctional bladder was removed. The following day, the Maulana regained consciousness.

Dr. Bednuk and the other doctors on the medical board expressed both astonishment and satisfaction at the Maulana’s rapid recovery. They had never seen a patient of this kind return to normal so quickly. This must be regarded as a special mercy from Allah.

After making a full recovery, the Maulana left the clinic on November 12. When he then expressed his desire to return to Pakistan soon, the doctors advised him to remain in London for some time rather than immediately undertake the risks of a long journey. In a letter written on November 18 to Hakim Nuruddin of Sadiqabad, Pakistan, the Maulana stated:

By Allah’s grace, my health is now gradually improving. For the first time in twenty-seven years, I feel comfortable when I wake up in the morning. For years, my condition had been such that when I woke in the morning, I felt as though my entire body was filled with exhaustion. On December 15, Muslims living in England arranged a reception in the Maulana’s honor at London Hilton, a magnificent and lofty hotel in London. Ambassadors of Muslim countries, renowned Orientalists, university professors, specialists from various fields, other distinguished people, and leading figures of various organizations attended the event.

After a recitation from the Holy Qur’an, Dr. Salah Shaheen of Egypt read an address of congratulations. More than two dozen television and movie cameras sprang into action. The entire hall blazed with the repeated flashes of lights. At this historic gathering of eminent scholars, intellectuals, experts, and political leaders from various countries, Muslims and non-Muslims alike, the Maulana called upon Western people to free themselves from every kind of hostility and misconception and learn about Islam with an open and truth-seeking mind. He said, “The search for truth is an equal and universal desire of all humanity. There can be no reason preventing you from gaining guidance from Islam in your society. Make the best use of whatever opportunity you receive in this regard; if you come to realize the truth of Islam, the benefit will be yours.”

Addressing Muslims living in various parts of the West, the Maulana said:

“Acquire complete knowledge of Western science, learning, and technology, and enjoy their benefits wholeheartedly. But live according to the teachings of Islam. Only in this way can you present before Western people an example of a balanced, compassionate, and just society. Always remember that your future depends on Islam. The Islamic way of life alone can guarantee your survival in this world. Otherwise, one thing is certain: after a few years, some new English people will be added to English society here. But this will neither increase your honor and dignity nor leave any trace of your allegiance to Islam.”

Now the Maulana must return to his country within a day or two.

December 26, 1968.

Today, crowds have once again gathered at London Airport to see the Maulana off. Friends and acquaintances, devotees and admirers of the Maulana who have come from various cities, workers of the Islamic movement, distinguished people, and eminent figures from the Middle East have assembled at the airport wrapped in winter clothing. In voices choked with tears, they bid the Maulana farewell. Boeing 708 spread its two wings and, carrying the Maulana, disappeared from sight into the snow-covered sky. At the same time, the curtain fell on a brilliant chapter in the history of England.

The Boeing 708 carrying the Maulana is circling in the sky to land at Istanbul Airport. The editor of the monthly Hilal, published in Ankara, the editors of the dailies Bogan and Ittihad, and many eminent people of Turkey are waiting impatiently to welcome the Maulana. After the plane landed, those seeking to see him met the Maulana, making the airport resound with cries of “Allahu Akbar.”

The grandson of the man who had been Turkey’s Shaykh al-Islam during the reign of Sultan Abdul Hamid II came to welcome the Maulana. Even extreme old age could not prevent him from coming to the airport. In an emotional voice, he said to the Maulana, “Maulana! If you had been among us, the Islamic movement in this country would have advanced fifty years. We have been deprived of the leadership of a personality like you. Yet it is our good fortune that, through your writings, we are able to become acquainted with your thought.”

On the way to Pakistan, huge gatherings of people seeking to see him similarly took place at the airports of Kuwait and Dhahran. They too offered the Maulana their heartfelt devotion and respect. The Maulana landed at Karachi Airport on December 27 and at Lahore Airport on December 29. Thousands of people gathered at both airports. From Lahore, the Maulana was taken to his residence in a procession of motorcars and scooters.

After several months, the Maulana’s residence at 5/A Jaildar Park once again became lively and bustling. It was as though, with the renewed arrival of spring, the flower buds in a garden had emerged from their veils to spread their intoxicating fragrance. Those thirsty for knowledge from home and abroad began gathering here once again.

This is the historic 5/A Jaildar Park, Ichhra, Lahore, from where the sparks of the Islamic movement spread throughout the world. [To learn about the daily afternoon gatherings held at 5/A Jaildar Park since 1967 around the Maulana, where visitors from various parts of the world would assemble and receive answers to their questions, read The Afternoon Gathering by the author of this book.]

The Round Table Conference

As the country’s political situation assumed a terrifying form as a result of the mass movement against Ayub Khan’s autocratic rule, Ayub Khan convened a round-table conference on February 26, 1969, to consult with the leaders of the opposition parties. The leaders of the major political parties, including Maulana Maududi, gathered there; a second meeting was held on March 10. But after extensive discussions, Ayub Khan expressed his inflexible attitude, and the round-table conference ended in failure.

Afterward, the mass movement became more intense, and law and order continued to deteriorate severely. In the face of the mass movement and demonstrations, Ayub Khan was forced to transfer power. On March 23, he handed power over to General Yahya Khan and withdrew from the political scene.

Yahya Khan imposed martial law in the country. Although he did not ban the political parties, he restricted their activities. The following year, in December 1970, elections were held for the national and provincial assemblies. It may be noted that in January of that year, the Maulana made his final visit to Dhaka. He sensed that Pakistan’s unity and integrity (solidarity and integrity) had become endangered.

At this time, the course of politics flowed in a different direction. Consequently, two parties—the Awami League and the Pakistan Peoples Party—contested the elections on a regional basis and emerged victorious. In other words, the Awami League won in East Pakistan and the PPP in West Pakistan, both with overwhelming majorities.

Immediately after the election, Maulana Maududi remarked that now only a miracle could keep the country united. In other words, it was an inevitable fact that East and West Pakistan would become separated from each other. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his Awami League won a majority in the National Assembly, and according to the democratic process, he was supposed to become the country’s prime minister. A session of the National Assembly was called in Dhaka. But PPP leader Zulfikar Ali Bhutto intimidated the members from West Pakistan and prevented them from attending the assembly session. As a result, distrust, discontent, and distance between East and West Pakistan grew so greatly that, after much bloodshed, East Pakistan came into existence as independent Bangladesh on December 16, 1971.

Maulana Maududi had already been suffering from illness for many years; after East Pakistan separated and became independent, he suffered such a severe shock to his heart that both his body and mind completely collapsed.

On the one hand, it was a matter of immense joy and good fortune that in 1972 Tafhim al-Qur’an, the fruit of the Maulana’s tireless labor and striving throughout his life, was completed; on the other hand, because of his failing health, he resigned from the position of Ameer of the Jamaat. Mian Tufail Muhammad was elected Ameer of Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan.

In April and July 1978, I met the Maulana twice. At that time, I saw him in such a condition that it had become very difficult to restrain my tears. It seemed as though he had been tied up like a bundle and placed on a chair. Even in that condition, he spoke with people, continued his reading and writing, and gave valuable advice on various matters.

In response to a question, the Maulana said—

“Praise be to Allah that He has not given me any illness that prevents me from doing the work of His religion. My illness causes suffering only to my physical self, and I think that through it my sins will be forgiven. For example, I am now doing my reading and writing while seated. It causes me no pain or fatigue. But when I stand or begin to walk, I feel increasing pain step by step. I cannot remain standing for more than a minute and a half.”

Even in such a condition, Radio Pakistan recorded an interview with the Maulana in 1975 that lasted more than two hours. The interview was transcribed a year after his death and published in Tarjuman al-Qur’an. It was published in Bengali in book form under the title An Historic Interview, and the author of this book translated it into Bengali.

Among the questions raised in this interview were the Pakistan Movement; its background; the religious and political condition of Muslims in the Indian subcontinent before Partition; the introduction of parliamentary rule in India; the conspiracy to create a strange mixture of a single geographical nationality from Muslims and non-Muslims alike in the mill of one-nationhood and then build upon it a modern democratic system of government; the danger to the political, economic, and cultural future of Muslims; the subsequent inspiration for a separate and distinct Muslim nationality; their separate homeland, namely, the demand for the establishment of Pakistan; the demand for establishing a social system based on their own philosophy of life and ‘aqidah and the rationale for it; and many other matters. The Maulana answered the various questions on these subjects. On the basis of the valuable historical information he provided in response to these questions, it may be stated without hesitation that no impartial historian, if undertaking to write the true history of the Pakistan Movement and its background, could possibly ignore the personality of Allama Maududi and his priceless contribution.

Moreover, in this interview, Allama Maududi said many things and recalled much that will be of immense use only to those engaged in the movement of the religion. Therefore, I believe that the workers of the Islamic movement, and especially our young people, have a particular need to read this historic interview.

The Maulana’s Demise

The Maulana’s health had broken down prematurely because of the severe physical and mental exertion he endured throughout his life. He suffered from a urinary-bladder disease for many years. As a result, pain in his knees and waist became, so to speak, permanent. He underwent bladder surgery in London in 1968, but the disease was not cured. Thus, he had to endure the pain of illness throughout his life. Even amid this, he continued doing all his work. Never did any outward expression or sign of illness or pain appear on the face of this beloved servant of Allah.

In 1972, he completed writing his revolutionary tafsir, Tafhim al-Qur’an. Long before that, he used to say, “My lifespan is nearing its end; pray that I may complete Tafhim before I go.”

Even after Tafhim was completed, Allah kept him alive. One of the great aspirations of his life was to write the biography of the Prophet of the world. He took up his pen. In seven years, he completed writing about the Prophet’s life in Makkah. It was published in two volumes. He titled the biography Seerat-e Sarwar-e ‘Alam. He also completed the necessary notes on the Prophet’s life in Madinah. But before he could put pen to paper on that, the Lord of the worlds called him into His presence.

On September 22, in a hospital in Buffalo, America, Sayyid Maududi, the greatest thinker of the modern world, breathed his last. His funeral prayer was held in Buffalo, London, Karachi, and Lahore. Muslim scholars, millions of devotees, the general public, and young people took part. A description of his funeral prayer is included below.

In the Light of My Experience of the Maulana’s Funeral

Maulana Sayyid Abul A‘la Maududi breathed his last at a hospital in Buffalo, United States, on September 22, 1979. After the funeral prayer in Lahore on September 26, his burial was completed. I was fortunate enough to take part in his funeral prayer. I wish to present to my dear readers some account based on my personal experience of it.

On the afternoon of September 23, after returning to Dhaka from the provincial town, I received the sad news that Maulana Maududi had passed away. “Inna lillahi…” spontaneously came from my lips. But it felt as though the sky had fallen on my head. I myself would have to go for the funeral prayer, and as soon as possible. The next day, after settling the visa, airline seat, and all the other complications, I reached Karachi on a PIA flight on the twenty-fifth. My condition was similar. That same day, at 10:30 a.m., the late Maulana’s bier (coffin) arrived in Karachi from London and, after the funeral prayer, departed for Lahore.

I spent the night at a friend’s house. At 9:30 p.m., Pakistan Television showed some features on the Maulana’s life, including his funeral prayer. Torrents of tears made it difficult to watch the television. I had greatly hoped to have a final glimpse of the Maulana, but that hope remained unfulfilled. No seat was available that night on a flight to Lahore; one was available the following morning. The funeral prayer in Lahore would be held at 10:30 in the morning. If the plane were late, I would not even be fortunate enough to attend the funeral prayer. I spent the night in such anxiety.

The next morning at seven, I set out for Lahore. Suddenly, one of my companions had rushed from Dhaka. As I was about to board the plane at Dhaka Airport, a weary, exhausted voice came from behind: “Khan Sahib, praise be to Allah, I finally made it.” I turned around and saw Dr. Azizul Haque Chowdhury. His drawn face and disheveled appearance made him look like a distraught lover. Indeed, he was a lover. After boarding the plane and resting for a while, he came to me and said, “I was not fortunate enough to see the Maulana during his lifetime. Therefore, I have a great yearning to have one glimpse of him after his death.”

I said, “Say it; may Allah fulfill our hope.”

A few friends also joined us on the journey from Karachi to Lahore. Among them was Mr. Ariful Haque, editor of the magazine Impact, published from London. We landed at Lahore Airport at nine. I had taken off from and landed at this airport many times in my life, but today I saw it in a different form. A place that was usually packed with people was, so to speak, completely deserted. Outside the airport was an atmosphere of mourning—an embodied expression of the agony of heartbreaking separation. I was certain that someone would come to the airport to take us. But I could see no one anywhere. Perhaps our friends in Karachi, overcome by grief, had forgotten to inform anyone, or perhaps some other reason had arisen.

A friend of Mr. Faruqi had come by car to pick him up. We were all headed for the same destination, so they had both of us get into their car. I said, “Then go straight to Ichhra, in case we can have a final glimpse.”

The new Fiat sped along with a rushing sound, like a calf left alone in a field running breathlessly toward its mother, its tail raised high. Within fifteen minutes, we had passed through Mujang Chungi and reached Ferozepur Road. A little farther south, we would have to turn at the Ichhra intersection and enter Jaildar Park Lane on the left. 5/A Jaildar Park was the Maulana’s residence. As our car reached the Ichhra intersection, a grief-stricken passerby told us, “Look, the funeral procession is moving southward.”

A sea of people came into view ahead. The broad Ferozepur Road was teeming with people. Among them were private cars, buses, pickups, hired trucks, auto-rickshaws, scooters, bicycles, and a mournful mass procession. From their mouths rang the Kalimah of Testimony and “Allahu Akbar.”

Half a mile ahead, the bier seems to be visible. How could a car move through the crowd? Now and then it moved forward slowly, at a tortoise’s pace. Having gone some distance, we had no choice but to turn left from Firozpur Road and quickly reach Gaddafi Stadium by another route. This was where the funeral prayer would be offered for the greatest Islamic thinker of the twentieth century, the foremost of the scholars of the faith, the leader of the worldwide Islamic renaissance movement, the world-renowned al-Ustadh, al-Murshid al-‘Amm, Allama Abul A’la Maududi.

Gaddafi Stadium is the largest in Pakistan. Even before the bier arrived, half of the immense stadium had filled up. Powerful streams of grieving people were entering through the stadium’s eight gates. Thousands of sturdy young men from colleges and universities, devoted to the Islamic movement and arriving from all over the country, were assigned to maintain order. There was no way to move forward through the tight cordon of discipline. I looked helplessly in every direction. My handkerchief was soaked through with tears. Where had my companions disappeared?

A newspaper photographer spotted me from a distance below. He shouted, “Come, Maulana! The first row is for foreign guests like you.” I broke through the volunteers’ tight cordon and took my place in the front row. Dr. Chowdhury arrived as well. A little later, the bier reached the field and was placed before us. With it were the late Maulana’s sons, Mian Tufail Muhammad, Professor Khursheed, Maulana Hamidi, Chowdhury Jilani, and many others. As I embraced them, I broke down in tears. Despite every effort, I could not restrain myself. It felt as though my heart had been torn to shreds.

Many more people began entering the front row, and the row started extending on both sides. I had to move somewhat to the right from my original place.

Among the foreign guests in the front row were the notable Saudi ambassador Riyad al-Khatib; the Jordanian ambassador; the special representative of Ayatollah Khomeini and the Interior Secretary of the Iranian government; Dr. Yusuf Abdullah al-Qaradawi, Vice-Chancellor of Qatar University; Dr. Muhammad Tutunji, Deputy Secretary-General of the World Muslim Youth Assembly; the renowned Syrian scholars and thinkers Shaykh Sa’id Hawwa and Shaykh Adnan Saduddin; Shaykh Abdullah al-Aqil, Director of the Islamic Affairs Department of Kuwait’s Ministry of Awqaf; Shaykh Mubarak al-Mukawa, Kuwait’s renowned jurist and editor of the widely circulated Al-Mujtama; Shaykh Abdul Azeez al-Ali al-Mutawa, a distinguished friend of the late Maulana; Dr. Kamal, a prominent Egyptian Ikhwan leader; and lawyer Shaykh Saiful Islam, son of the martyr Hasan al-Banna, among other eminent figures. Also in the front row were Maulana Yusuf, Ameer of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind; Pakistan’s President, General Zia-ul-Haq; Punjab’s Governor, Lieutenant General Sarwar Khan; the Pir Sahib of Deval Sharif; and several senior military officers.

The leaders of all Pakistan’s political parties except the PPP, many respected ulama, distinguished citizens, and government and private employees spontaneously joined the funeral prayer. Among them were Mufti Mahmud, Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan, former President of Azad Kashmir Sardar Abdul Qayyum Khan, Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan, Chaudhry Zahur Elahi, Khwaja Khairuddin, Allama Ihsan Ilahi Zaheer, and others. Nearly two hundred ulama and workers of the Islamic movement who had come from India also joined the funeral prayer.

The funeral coffin was wrapped in the flag of Jamaat-e-Islami bearing the Kalimah Tayyibah and in Pakistan’s national flag. President Zia-ul-Haq wore a black armband over his military uniform. He instructed that any government employee who wished could attend the Maulana’s funeral prayer. Just before the prayer, the scene in the stadium was heart-rending and explosive. Nearly a million people were inside, while thousands outside, unable to enter, were beating their chests and mourning. The Kalimah of testimony resounded from hundreds of thousands of voices, along with the elegiac cries of grief: “O my master, my guide, Maududi—Maududi.” The wailing and elegies of millions echoed around the stadium, cleaving the upper heavens and rushing toward the Pure Throne. The crowd tried frantically to move forward for a glimpse of the bier, to receive a final look at the Maulana’s earthly body, and to touch the bier with their hands. The young volunteer force was exerting every effort to maintain order.

It had been announced that the Imam of the Ka’bah, Shaykh Muhammad bin Abdullah bin Subayyil, would lead the funeral prayer. But just before departing from Makkah al-Mukarramah, he had to delay his journey for unavoidable reasons. Thereafter, the responsibility of leading the prayer was given to Dr. Yusuf Abdullah al-Qaradawi, Vice-Chancellor of Qatar University. He had earned a doctorate in Islamic studies and religious sciences from Cairo’s Al-Azhar University. A renowned religious scholar, he held the Maulana in the highest esteem. Before leading the prayer, he addressed the crowd: “Sayyid Maududi will remain immortal for his universal call and his thought. He has left behind more than a hundred priceless works. He has also left behind countless spiritual offspring. I have not come from thousands of miles away to offer you words of consolation. Rather, I have come to say that millions upon millions of people throughout the world have been drawn to his thought and have begun working. We shall move forward with firm steps carrying the Maulana’s movement. The only course beneficial for Pakistan is to establish a genuinely Islamic state here. Those of you who love and respect the Maulana, continue your struggle for this.”

After Dr. Qaradawi’s speech, millions of voices rang out: “My master, my guide—Maududi, Maududi.” The thousands of voices waiting outside the stadium echoed the same cry: “My master, my guide—Maududi, Maududi.” The sound reverberated through the sky and air, the trees all around, the buildings, and every nook and corner.

After the funeral prayer, the barrier of the ocean of people broke. Everyone’s target was the bier. It became impossible to maintain order. With great difficulty, the bier was brought out of the stadium, protected from the pressure of the crowd, and placed on a truck. Under the unbearable pressure of people from every direction, I could hardly breathe. Dr. Chowdhury and I moved outside, holding tightly to each other. Dr. Chowdhury was built like a sturdy wrestler, so I had some hope that we would get out safely. As soon as we reached the road outside, two or three young men suddenly collapsed unconscious in front of us. My wrestler-like companion could no longer keep himself upright and fell. I fell too. I did not merely fall: half a dozen people fell on top of me. I do not know how I survived. I must have been reciting the Kalimah, however. Within a few moments, two or three people lifted me and carried me outside. Where my companion disappeared, I do not know. My clothes were dusty and soiled. I had also been injured in several places.

This was not the only instance of sturdy young men losing consciousness—there were many. And why would this not happen? After news of the Maulana’s funeral was published in the newspapers, people rushed toward Lahore from the farthest and most remote parts of the country like madmen. They came by train, bus, airplane, scooter, and bicycle—by whatever means they could. Some came on foot for fifteen or twenty miles, disregarding grief, hunger, thirst, exhaustion, and the scorching heat of the sun.

The greatest reason was that the Maulana’s writings, his universal Islamic call, and his international stature had drawn millions of young people toward Islam. They had pulled them from the dense darkness of jahiliyyah toward the radiant light of tawhid. They had brought about a tremendous revolution in their thoughts, convictions, and minds. This was the sole reason for their immense attraction to, respect for, and profound love of the Maulana. His death made them frantic and bewildered. Such immense grief was something they had experienced for the first time in their lives. They were all the Maulana’s spiritual offspring. Thus, many young people, without exception, were crushed by the blow of this grief and lost consciousness.

At any rate, with great difficulty I found Hashem Faruqi’s car, parked half a mile away. There was no one in the car. My body was trembling. Mountain springs of tears were streaming from my eyes. About ten minutes later, Dr. Chowdhury arrived. In a tearful voice he said, “A disaster has occurred.”

I said, “You are alive, after all. What disaster are you talking about?”

He said, “I would not have minded dying. But my beloved camera has been smashed to pieces. I had taken twenty or twenty-two very beautiful shots. That was what I would have relied on to return home—and it is gone.” [Mr. Azizul Haque Chowdhury died at his residence in Dhaka on 7 April 2003.]

A little later, Hashem Faruqi and his friend arrived. The truck carrying the bier had already set out, though it was moving extremely slowly. The Maulana’s sons—Umar Faruq, Ahmad Faruq, Muhammad Faruq, and Husayn Faruq—were in the truck. Mian Tufail Muhammad and Professor Khursheed Ahmad were also there. Among the foreign guests were Dr. Qaradawi, Dr. Tutunji, and Shaykh Mubarak al-Mukawa.

The truck carrying the bier would pass through the narrow lanes of Jaildar Park to the Maulana’s residence, where the burial would be completed. How could millions of people go there? Therefore, arrangements were made to allow only prominent people into the lane. The foreign guests, Jamaat leaders, Mr. Altaf Hasan Qureshi, and four or five journalists were permitted to proceed to the Maulana’s residence.

The bier was placed on a raised spot in front of the Maulana’s private room. Thousands of grieving men and women, standing on the balconies and roofs of the houses on both sides, fixed their tearful eyes on the bier. Only a little time remained before the Maulana’s eternal resting place would be prepared. Though the space was narrow, several thousand people had gathered there.

At that moment, an extraordinary yet heart-rending scene appeared. Two small children came out of the house and approached the bier. One said to the other, “Don’t go over there—Grandfather is sleeping.”

The other said, “Why are so many people here? They will wake Grandfather. If so many people come here every day, how will Grandfather work?”

Those whose ears received the sweet words of the innocent children could not help weeping. How much tenderness and concern the little children had for their beloved grandfather. But Grandfather had left them, gone far, far away. A little later, Sayyid and Guide Maududi was laid in his eternal resting place. The curtain fell on a brilliant chapter of human history. Perhaps, beyond the reach of our hearing, these words resounded—

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O tranquil soul! Return to your Lord, well pleased and pleasing to Him. So enter among My righteous servants, and enter My Paradise. (Al-Fajr: 27–30)

Yet the final words I truly heard with my own ears the next day. At about nine in the morning, I went from the guest house to 5/A Jaildar Park. I had never imagined that I would come to this place and not see the Maulana—that I would see his eternal resting place instead. My heart twisted with inexpressible pain. I saw twenty or twenty-five people gathered around the Maulana’s grave. Among them was the Pir Sahib of Deval Sharif. Everyone’s hands were raised in prayer. The first words I heard from the Pir Sahib were—

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His hands remained raised in prayer, and he continued: “Sayyid Maududi spoke the truth throughout his life, called people to the truth, and remained steadfast upon the truth to the very end. A human being is like a tape recorder. The tape recorders you see are made by human beings. Human beings are tape recorders made by Allah. A tape made by human beings laughs, cries, sings, and speaks. But Sayyid Maududi was such a tape made by Allah: it spoke the truth in this world, continues in the grave, and will speak in the Hereafter.”

The Pir Sahib continued saying such things, while tears streamed down the listeners’ eyes.

When the Pir Sahib finished the prayer and turned around, I greeted him and shook his hand. I was deeply moved by his words. They were an expression of his sincere feelings.

My dear readers! For the moment, let us go back a little. I think it is necessary to know some details about the Maulana’s journey abroad from Lahore for medical treatment and his journey from there to the Hereafter.

The Maulana had no desire at all to go abroad for treatment. Perhaps he clearly understood that treatment would be of no benefit, because his time had come. But an incident occurred that hastened his departure abroad. King Khalid of Saudi Arabia sent his personal physician, Dr. Maruf Dawalibi, to examine the Maulana. He spoke with the Maulana for as long as two hours. During the conversation, the Maulana did not let anyone sense that his nerves had become weak. Yet as soon as Dr. Dawalibi left the Maulana’s room, the Maulana collapsed unconscious. This incident made everyone anxious and distressed. Dr. Ahmad Faruq became desperate to take the Maulana to America for treatment. But even Begum Maududi and everyone in the household together could not persuade him. The Maulana had hidden his passport. Everyone became extremely worried. Finally, the Maulana’s accountant, Mr. Bashir Ahmad Butt, devised a stratagem and obtained the passport from him. Then, on 26 May, the Maulana departed from Lahore for Islamabad, and from Islamabad for London on his way to America. Air Marshal Asghar Khan accompanied him as far as London. Begum Maududi also traveled with the Maulana and remained at his side to the end.

The Maulana was admitted for surgery to Millard Fillmore Hospital in Buffalo, a city four hundred and fifty miles from New York.

The Maulana’s second son, Ahmad Faruq Maududi, was a renowned doctor, a brain specialist, and he also lived there. The Maulana underwent surgery at the hospital on 4 September. The operation was necessary because of a lesion in an artery.

The doctors said that in such a condition a patient experiences unbearable pain. But the Maulana did not. The previous day, the Maulana had been unable to speak. After the operation, his condition was satisfactory. At four o’clock that afternoon, one of the Maulana’s friends, Dr. Amirullah Husaini, went to see him. When asked how he was feeling, the Maulana said that he was well. When the doctor asked him to pray, the Maulana recited the following Qur’anic supplication:

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Let me die as a Muslim and include me among the righteous. —Surah Yusuf (101)

The next day, 5 September, he suffered a heart attack. His health began improving again from the seventh. On the nineteenth, his condition suddenly deteriorated again, and the pain in his heart became severe. On the night of the twenty-first, Begum Maududi sat beside her husband’s bed until very late, reciting Surah Ya-Sin and other prayers, and entrusted him to Allah Almighty.

The next day, the Maulana spent most of the time unconscious. Yet while unconscious, during the prayer times, the index finger of his right hand would move up and down—a movement everyone observed. On 22 September 1979, at a quarter to nine in the morning, at the age of seventy-six, the Maulana met his true Lord—indeed, we belong to Allah…

Under the prevailing law of the United States, a body cannot be removed from a hospital before forty-eight hours have passed. First, a death certificate must be issued by the health department. Then a coffin must be made. All arrangements for preserving the body must be completed. Only then can the body be removed. This takes at least forty-eight hours. Government permission is also required to take a body outside the United States. But it must be regarded as a special mercy from Allah Almighty that, miraculously, all these procedures were completed within a very short time.

At four in the afternoon, the bier was moved from the hospital to Dr. Faruq Maududi’s residence on Wiling Road, on the outskirts of Buffalo. Then Muslims, new Muslims, and grieving people from various countries around the world who had been influenced by the Maulana’s writings began gathering on Wiling Road from different parts of Canada and the United States. On 22 September, the funeral prayer was offered three times in Buffalo. The first was led by Maulana Sharif Bukhari, the second by a Qari Sahib from Toronto, Canada, and the third by Dr. Israr Ahmad, khatib of Jinnah Mosque in Lahore and president of Anjuman Khuddam-ul-Quran. They arrived by air from Chicago. Until evening that day, people continued arriving from Toronto, New York, Chicago, Detroit, Michigan, Indiana, and other cities. As soon as he received the news, Iran’s consul general joined the first funeral prayer in Buffalo. When the bier was brought to Wiling Road, Dr. Ahmad Faruq, Begum Maududi, the Maulana’s son-in-law Sayyid Masud, and Begum Maududi’s brother were present. In his brief speech, Dr. Ahmad Faruq said, “We must all continue to struggle for the mission with which the late Maulana Maududi spent his entire life. It is a matter of joy for us that the Maulana has appeared before Allah Almighty, his true bestower of honor. Following in his footsteps, we shall, God willing, spread the call of Islam not only in Pakistan but throughout the world.”

Dr. Ahmad said to Iran’s consul general, “The Maulana had said that, if his health permitted, he would certainly have stopped in Iran. The Maulana had also said, ‘Iran’s Islamic Revolution is the heartbeat of my heart.’”

A Memorable Interview in Buffalo

On 22 July, the Maulana granted an interview to a delegation of thirty-five people who had come from remote areas of North America. The interview took place at Dr. Ahmad Faruq’s residence. The Maulana answered their various questions and offered solutions to many problems. At that time, his physical condition appeared good outwardly. His mood was also cheerful. During the conversation, he displayed his characteristic humor.

At that time, someone brought the Maulana betel leaves from New York. The conversation then turned to betel leaves. A certain Anwar Beg said, “Maulana, I think Allah Almighty must surely have kept betel leaves in Paradise.”

In reply, the Maulana jokingly said, “Brother, perhaps you do not know that betel is actually a leaf of Paradise itself, and that it came to the earth from there.”

As I said earlier, removing a body from a hospital in the United States and then transporting it to another country is an extremely difficult matter. The Maulana’s devoted admirers who had come from various cities in North America provided substantial assistance in handling all these arrangements efficiently. Repeated telephone requests kept arriving from New York for the funeral prayer there. People were also calling anxiously from various places to ask how far the arrangements had progressed. The telephone at Dr. Ahmad’s house kept ringing without interruption.

Meanwhile, as soon as he heard of the Maulana’s death, Allama Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini said, “The Muslim ummah has lost a renowned scholar and Islamic thinker.” He immediately informed Begum Maududi in Buffalo that an Iranian aircraft was ready to undertake the great service of carrying the Maulana’s bier. Deeply grieved by the news of his death, King Khalid said, “The death of al-Ustadh Maulana Sayyid Abul A’la Maududi is a tragic event for the Muslim world.” He too announced that a Saudi Airlines aircraft was ready to have the honor of carrying the Maulana’s bier. Similarly, Pakistan’s President, General Zia-ul-Haq, was overcome with grief at the news and offered the services of a PIA aircraft to carry the Maulana’s bier.

Expressing deep gratitude to these governments, and especially to Allama Khomeini, King Khalid, and General Zia-ul-Haq, Begum Maududi said, “A man who never once in his entire life held out his hand to anyone for anything would be shown disrespect if such a service were accepted on his behalf after his death. While acknowledging everyone’s gratitude, I say that we shall complete this task according to our own means.”

All arrangements were made for the bier to depart Buffalo for New York at four in the afternoon on 23 September by a chartered aircraft, and from New York to be sent to London that night on a Pan Am flight.

Amid an atmosphere of grief and unceasing tears, the bier of the respected chief guide was given its final farewell. Before that, at half past two in the afternoon, the funeral prayer was offered for the fourth time in Buffalo. Then the chartered aircraft spread Buffalo into a sea of tears as it took wing for New York. From New York, a Pan Am aircraft carrying the bier pierced the darkness of night and flew through the skies over the Atlantic toward London.

Everyone in London and Pakistan believed that the bier could not be expected to arrive before forty-eight hours. But unexpectedly, after the aircraft departed from New York, the news reached London.

A certain Chaudhury Muhammad Yasin was a close friend of the Maulana and his family. He too had participated in all the arrangements for the Maulana’s treatment. He did business in London. After taking the Maulana to the United States, he returned to London and remained in constant contact with Dr. Ahmad Faruq. He said, “Suddenly, on the night of the twenty-third, we received news in London that the Maulana’s bier had departed from New York. There was no time then to publish the news in any newspaper. The news was conveyed everywhere only by telephone.”

The aircraft from New York landed at London Airport the next day, 24 September, at half past eight in the morning. “Allahu Akbar”—never before in the history of London Airport had there been such a vast gathering. Even before the aircraft arrived, the airport was crowded with people. An unending stream of tearful mourners could be seen moving toward the airport.

Begum Maududi, Dr. Ahmad Faruq, and Sayyid Masud descended from the aircraft with the bier. From the voices of thousands of weeping people at the airport came the resonant cries of the Kalimah of testimony and “Allahu Akbar.” The bier was taken off the aircraft and placed in PIA’s Shalimar Lounge, and arrangements were made for the funeral prayer at Terminal 47. The first prayer was led by Mr. Khurram Jah Murad and the second by Professor Khursheed Ahmad. Then several busloads of people arrived from Birmingham. This time, the prayer was led by the vice-president of the UK Islamic Mission. People continued arriving without pause. The PIA aircraft was considerably delayed in departing. As a result, the funeral prayer was offered two more times. Many journalists from the country and abroad were present at the airport. They remarked that they had never seen, or even imagined, such a sea of people overwhelmed by grief.

Pakistan’s President’s special adviser, Mr. Muazzam Ali; Mr. Salim Azam, Secretary-General of the Islamic Council of Europe; and diplomatic representatives of many countries came to the airport to pay their respects to the Maulana’s soul.

Late in the evening, the PIA aircraft departed with the deceased on board and, via Amsterdam, Damascus and Dubai, landed at Karachi Airport at ten o’clock the following morning (35/9/79).

The twenty-fifth was a memorable day in the history of Karachi.

People began gathering at Karachi Airport from nine in the morning. It was the day of the Karachi Municipal Corporation elections. Most vehicles were engaged in election work. Nevertheless, despite great difficulty, people were rushing toward the airport.

At half past nine, Mian Tufail Muhammad, Ameer of Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan, entered the VIP lounge with the Karachi Jamaat leaders and ten or twelve journalists and photographers. Their faces were pale and grief-stricken. Volunteers of the Piyasi stood in rows, keeping order. Several women in burqas were weeping on the veranda outside. Thousands of people were waiting for the aircraft. An announcement was made that the aircraft would be delayed—it would arrive at half past ten, not ten. It was announced over the loudspeaker that fifteen minutes after the aircraft arrived, the funeral prayer would be offered at the airport stadium one mile away. The people began running in that direction.

Mian Sahib sat silently among the grieving people in the VIP lounge. A little later, Sardar Sherbaz Mazari entered the lounge and joined Mian Sahib, Jan Muhammad Abbasi and others in expressing their grief.

At that moment, a senior government official saluted Mian Sahib and said, “I have just come from Russia. I had gone there to attend an international conference. As soon as news of the Maulana’s death reached the conference, people spontaneously raised their hands in prayer.”

He further said, “The loss caused by the Maulana’s death is not only a loss for his family and Jamaat-e-Islami; rather, it is an irreparable loss for the entire Muslim world.”

He spoke these words in a choked voice.

At exactly ten o’clock, the aircraft landed on the runway and stopped in front of the VIP lounge. Hundreds of people broke down in tears. Several, overcome with grief, fainted.

Dr. Ahmad Farooq was the first to disembark from the aircraft. Then came Begum Maududi. Behind her came Professor Khurshid, Syed Masud and Chaudhury Muhammad Yasin of ‘Dawn Travels London.’ These five had accompanied the deceased.

With great difficulty, the deceased was loaded onto a truck through the crowd. Mian Sahib, Dr. Ahmad, Professor Khurshid and other leaders stood on the truck. The truck set off through a sea of people toward the airport stadium. At five past eleven, Mian Tufail Muhammad Sahib led the funeral prayer.

After the prayer, the deceased was again placed on the truck. Among those now on the truck was the Governor-General of Sindh, Abbasi. Until then, the people had restrained themselves with infinite patience. But now the dam of their patience burst. Countless people had come to the airport from all over the city. Who could refrain from seeing the face of their beloved leader one last time at the moment of final farewell? Everyone ran behind the truck like mad. Everyone yearned to touch the deceased once, to gaze their fill upon that radiant face. This was the moment of final farewell. The man who had awakened their dormant souls and issued a fervent call to their consciences was himself now dormant and silent. Having completed his work, he had gone into the presence of his Lord. Again and again the cry rang out: ‘Allahu Akbar,’ accompanied by ‘My leader, my guide—farewell, farewell.’

The scene of placing the deceased aboard the aircraft was even more heart-rending. Many embraced one another and wept in sobs. Many lost consciousness. After the deceased was placed on the aircraft at one o’clock, its doors were closed. At half past one, the aircraft spread its two wings and rose into the sky toward Lahore. The aircraft’s deafening sound kept striking the hearts of every grief-stricken person. If they too had a pair of wings, they would have flown with the aircraft like a flock of birds. Thus, along with despair, sighs and tears, their lips offered heartfelt prayers for their beloved guide.

The Deceased in Lahore

Lahore Airport. The fierce Ashwin sun had begun to sink in the western sky. The believer who had departed from this airport for America on 26 May, bidding Khuda Hafiz to the grief-laden Islamic multitude—who knew that this was his final farewell? He could never return to Lahore. Allah Almighty has said of certain beloved servants of His, ‘May Allah be pleased with them and may they be pleased with Him.’ He was one of them, and he went contentedly into the presence of his Lord. Only his unconscious earthly body had returned to Lahore today. A stream of people was rushing toward Lahore Airport to offer a warm welcome to his remains. The aircraft carrying the deceased was scheduled to land at three.

Meanwhile, more than a hundred thousand people had gathered at the airport. Those who could not reach the airport had come as far as they could to pay their respects to the Maulana’s remains.

Among those who came to the airport, apart from the Jamaat leaders, prominent figures included Justice Afzal Cheema, president of the Islamic Ideology Council; a delegation of more than a hundred people led by Maulana Yusuf, Ameer of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind; a delegation from Jordan led by Dr. Latif; ambassadors of Muslim countries; representatives from Jammu and Kashmir; representatives of the Islamic Students Movement of India; and leaders of the Afghan Mujahideen.

Among the political party leaders were Chaudhury Zahur Elahi, Malik Qasim, Khwaja Khairuddin, Sahibzadi Mahmuda Begum, Sardar Shaukat Hayat and many others. The women of the Maulana’s family also arrived in a black car. They were motionless, like stone statues—the very embodiment of grief. Tears had gathered in the corners of their eyes.

When the awaited aircraft began circling over the airport at exactly three o’clock, the impatient crowd became overwhelmed by an intense surge of grief. The Kalima of Testimony and cries of Takbir resounded through the sky and air in tear-choked voices.

At five past three, the aircraft landed and came to a stop in front of the VIP lounge. A PIA truck pulled up beside the aircraft windows. Hussain Farooq Maududi, Chaudhury Zahur Elahi, Qazi Hussain Ahmad and Piyasi worker Maulvi Rafiq Ahmad boarded the aircraft to bring down the deceased.

After the deceased had been placed on the truck, it moved slowly and solemnly toward the Maulana’s residence. A procession of millions accompanied the truck. People had come from every city and settlement, from Khyber to Quetta and from Azad Kashmir to Multan—young and old alike. From both sides of the road and from the rooftops, countless men and women watched this procession of grief, shedding tears and showering flowers upon the deceased in tribute. A miles-long line of private cars, special buses, station wagons, scooters, autorickshaws and bicycles moved with the truck, accompanied by millions of mourners on foot. There was no disorder anywhere, no shouting or commotion. Maintaining in full the discipline they had been trained in for so long, the human tide moved forward. From a vehicle behind, the Kalima of Testimony and cries of Takbir were broadcast over a loudspeaker. The procession began from the airport at half past three. It passed along Shahrah-e-Quaid-e-Azam, Charing Cross, Shahrah-e-Fatima Jinnah and Mujang Chungi, then along Ferozepur Road, reaching Ichhra Mor at six in the evening. After that, with great difficulty, the truck carrying the deceased reached the Maulana’s residence. The Maghrib call to prayer echoed from the minarets of the surrounding mosques. Not a single mosque nearby had even the smallest space left for people to stand. Meanwhile, many people, young and old alike, fainted from the intensity of their grief.

After Maghrib, it was announced that until nine at night only women would be allowed to have a final look at the deceased. From ten at night until eight the following morning, the opportunity would be reserved for men. The deceased had been placed on an elevated platform in front of the Maulana’s private room. People would enter through one gate, look at the deceased once, and leave through another gate. From six in the evening, lines of women had continued through the gate of 5/A Jaildar Park, and the stream continued without interruption until nine at night.

The female students of Punjab University arrived in three busloads. Grief-filled cries came from all their throats. It seemed that the sound of weeping could be heard throughout the sky and air: the angels of Allah weep, and all creation weeps.

At half past seven in the evening, Pakistan’s President, General Zia-ul-Haq, came for a final look. The women were stopped for a while to make way for him. Mian Tufail Muhammad entered the Maulana’s residence with General Zia-ul-Haq. Accompanying the President of Pakistan were the Governor of Punjab, General Sarwar Khan, the Chief Secretary and other military and civil officials. Also with them was Mr. Liaqat Baloch, head of the Islami Jamiat. After looking upon the Maulana, General Zia-ul-Haq stood silently for a while, and a flood of tears streamed down both his cheeks.

In a choked voice, General Zia-ul-Haq said, “What a truly radiant face.” Then, consoling the Maulana’s children, he said, “The Maulana’s passing is an irreparable loss. This is not a loss for his family, nor for Pakistan, but for the entire Muslim world. The great service he rendered will guide the Muslim nation for several centuries to come. I hope the Maulana’s children will strive to keep alight the lamp of guidance that he kindled.” He departed about ten minutes later.

From half past nine at night until nine the following morning, thousands of people filed past and, even if only for a moment, had a final look at the Maulana.

Before exactly nine o’clock, entry was stopped and the deceased was placed on the truck again for the funeral prayer. At precisely that time, I landed at Lahore Airport. I have already described the painful scenes that followed.

On 27 September, a memorial meeting was organized at Faisal Auditorium on the university campus at the initiative of the Anjuman-e-Ittihad-e-Tulaba of Punjab University. Mian Tufail Muhammad presided. Many eminent figures and scholars from home and abroad delivered speeches here, paying deep tribute to the Maulana.

The Vice-Chancellor of Qatar University said that Syed Maududi’s funeral was a referendum. The people of Pakistan had declared their decision in favor of Islam.

Dr. Muhammad Ahmad Tutunji, Deputy Secretary-General of the World Muslim Youth Assembly, said that the Maulana’s ideas would continue illuminating minds and hearts until the Day of Resurrection. Sheikh Abdullah al-Aqeel, Director of the Islamic Affairs Department of Kuwait’s Ministry of Awqaf, said that Maulana Maududi had foiled the conspiracy to confine Islam within the four walls of mosques and madrasas. Dr. Taha Jaber, a government representative of Saudi Arabia, said that Syed Maududi had revived Allah’s religion in the present century. Abdul Aziz Ali Al-Mutawa, an eminent Kuwaiti, said that Syed Maududi had founded a Jamaat active in the struggle to establish Islam’s supremacy throughout the world. Maulana Yusuf, Ameer of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, said, “I say with Allah as my witness that Maulana Maududi fully discharged his responsibility. I have said that the Maulana’s literature and ideas have brought about an intellectual revolution among hundreds of millions of people.” Sheikh Saeed Hawwa, an eminent Syrian, said that Maulana Maududi had spread Pakistan’s fragrance throughout the world. Liaqat Baloch, president of the Islami Jamiat, said that the Maulana’s literature and ideas had made hundreds of millions of young people in this country and throughout the Muslim world devoted to Islam. If it had been possible to bring the Maulana back in exchange for their lives, hundreds of thousands of young people had been ready to sacrifice their lives for him.

Sheikh Saiful Islam, an Egyptian lawyer and son of Sheikh Hasan al-Banna Shaheed, founder of the Muslim Brotherhood, said that after Sheikh Hasan al-Banna was martyred, the Brotherhood’s workers thought there was no one to lead them. But soon they realized that Al-Ustaz Syed Abul A‘la Maududi was now their Murshid-e-Am, their teacher and guide.

In his presidential address, Mian Sahib said, “We shall devote all our strength to spreading the dominance of the Maulana’s ideas.”

Even afterward, one memorial meeting was held at Punjab University and several others at different places in Lahore on the Maulana’s death. I was invited to and attended almost all of them.

For the past twenty-two years I have tried to know the Maulana—I have known and observed him. I tried to know and observe him with all my heart. Today I clearly feel that, great and magnificent as I had considered the Maulana during his lifetime, death has made him a hundred thousand times greater and more magnificent. The place of honor and respect he held at home and abroad has, through death, increased many times over.

During this visit to Pakistan, I traveled from Karachi to Lahore, from Lahore to Pindi, and from Pindi to Peshawar. Everywhere—in the sky and air, among leaves and foliage, in the murmuring waves of the Indus, Ravi, Jhelum and Attock rivers, and across hills and mountains—I heard elegies of grief. Everywhere I saw images of mourning. I heard millions of men, women, children and elders chanting, like the lamentation of Muharram: ‘My leader, my guide, Maududi, farewell, farewell.’ From Buffalo to New York and London, from London to Karachi and from Karachi to Lahore, his earthly, unconscious body flew over rivers, seas, mountains, valleys, highlands, cities, settlements and deserts, causing the whole world to float in a sea of tears, so that it might be laid in its eternal resting place. Thus, today, at his death, the Muslims of the world weep and sing his elegy.

Today I realized with every fiber of my being that the difference between the living Maududi and the Maududi who has departed from this dusty earth is vast—the difference between heaven and earth. Maududi is victorious over death today. His universal Islamic da‘wah, his priceless treasury of literature and his clear ideas will keep him immortal forever. Those who viewed him askance during his lifetime are now lavish in his praise. Today, through the BBC, Altaf Gauhar of the Ayub era shed light on various aspects of the Maulana’s life and offered him heartfelt tribute. Mufti Mahmud, head of the PNA, said that Maulana Abul A‘la Maududi was ‘an authority on’ the Qur’an and Sunnah.

The entire Muslim world was overcome with grief at the Maulana’s demise. In city after city and mosque after mosque, absentee funeral prayers and memorial meetings were held. Various eminent figures, scholars, respected people, teachers and students expressed in newspapers and periodicals the emotions and feelings of their tearful, grief-stricken hearts while paying tribute to the Maulana. Among those who expressed such reactions, the more notable included Major (Retd.) Mustafa Shaheen, Dr. Muhammad Qutb, the renowned surgeon Dr. Ali al-Hajj of Khartoum, Sudan’s capital, former Nairobi Islamic Foundation minister Yusuf Hashim al-Rifai, French linguist Professor Hamidullah, Hong Kong resident Nazir Hasan, one of the Arab world’s leading scholars Dr. Mustafa al-Zarqa, Chief Justice of the United Arab Emirates Sheikh Abdul Aziz al-Mubarak, Iran’s Allama Ayatollah Yahya Nuri, Turkey’s Dr. Ibrahim Agah, America’s Dr. Ismail Raji al-Faruqi, India’s Maulana Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi, Jeddah’s Syed Masud Ali Rizvi, Riyadh’s Muhammad Amin, Japan’s Hussain Khan, India’s Maulana Saeed Ahmad Akbarabadi, Madina’s Abdul Mujeeb, Maulana Sadruddin Rifai Mujaddedi, lawyer A. K. Brohi, Law Minister Muzaffar Beg and Sarwat Saulat of the Arab world. The number of such grief-stricken respected people is so great that a separate book would be needed merely to publish their accounts.

[Part Two]

The Inspiration for the Maulana’s Writing

It is no secret in the literary world that the Maulana was a highly accomplished essayist, man of letters and thinker. It is also undeniable that he gave the Urdu language a new form and vitality. The style of his writing, his method of sentence construction and his mode of expression were entirely his own. The inspiration for extraordinary writing seems to have been innate in him, and this inspiration manifested itself in his earliest childhood.

For the information of readers, his own statement on this subject is given below:

“When I was nine years old, a natural inspiration to write essays arose in me. At that time, a friend of mine named Janab Ashfaq Ahmad Zahidi came to Aurangabad and stayed at our house for some time. He had a strong inclination toward writing essays and reading books. He inspired the two of us brothers to write essays and attracted us to reading ordinary journals and newspapers in addition to our textbooks. Once, to test our ability, he said, ‘Suppose you have fallen in love with a girl. Now write such a love letter to your imaginary beloved that it expresses the passion and ecstasy of love and the pain of separation.’”

We were completely inexperienced in this matter. In particular, I was so young that I had no conception of what love, a beloved or separation might be. But by then I had read Gulistan and Bustan. From them I had gained the slight knowledge that ‘love is a particular illness caused by seeing a beautiful, fair face; then, as a result of this illness, a fire begins to burn in the heart, and it is extinguished only upon seeing that face. As long as it is not seen, the fire continues burning in the heart. This state of the heart is called separation.’ In any case, we put this knowledge to the best possible use and, depicting that state, wrote long letters. None of us—the two brothers or Ashfaq brother—remembers what we wrote then. But we certainly remember that Ashfaq brother was stunned after reading the two letters, and he especially liked mine more. Although my elder brother’s letter was longer.

After passing the Maulvi examination, during a period of leisure, at my elder brother’s request I translated into Urdu an Arabic book by Qasim Amin Bey, Al-Mir’at al-Jadid. I do not know where the manuscript of that translation is now. But I clearly remember that my late father was extremely pleased with the fluency, simplicity of language and melodious sentence construction of the translation, and my elder brother praised it greatly as well.

That was my first effort. Then, after moving to Bhopal in 1917, my inclination toward essay writing became so firmly established alongside my general studies that I felt it would not end before my death. The first three or four years were a period of imitation. I tried to imitate the writing style of anyone whose manner of writing I liked. But as my studies increased, I increasingly realized that the beauty of an essay does not develop through imitating another’s method; rather, it develops through one’s own mode of expression. From 1921 onward, I adopted a distinct, established style in which I follow no one.

I hold the view that some language arises together with every thought and idea. The most accurate and appropriate language for expressing each thought and idea is therefore the language that emerges naturally along with it. Thus, one should think only about the essay. As for language, there is no need to worry about selecting it. It will come naturally along with the essay.

This is why, whenever I have to write something, all my effort is spent merely on arranging my thoughts and gathering material and proofs and arguments. Then, once the subject matter has been assembled in my mind, it does not take me much time to transfer it to paper. I am so confident about choosing words for writing that, except in matters of special importance, I usually do not need to review anything a second time after writing it.”

The Maulana’s Revolutionary Literature

For the past half-century, the powerful and revolutionary literature of Maulana Syed Abul A‘la Maududi has brought a revolution to the minds of hundreds of millions of human beings. It has kindled an intense love for God and the Messenger in the hearts of countless men and women and transformed the course of their lives. His literature and ideas have sifted and selected many from among hundreds of millions of people and engaged them in an unceasing struggle against falsehood. The stagnation that had accumulated for centuries in the intellectual world of Muslims was removed by the Maulana’s literature, which infused a broad, far-reaching, clear and pure mode of thought. There is no measure of how many people the influence of his literature freed from worldly greed, desire, fear and anxiety and made possessors of pure and steadfast character.

The Characteristics of His Literature

The first characteristic of Maulana Maududi’s literature is that he presented Islam not as a stagnant, ancient, conventional or hereditary religion, but as a revolutionary philosophy of life and a movement. He presented its strongest arguments from within Islamic thought, as internal proofs. The Qur’an’s inspiring verses, the twenty-three-year struggle of the Holy Prophet, the eternal striving of the noble Companions and the glorious era of the Rightly Guided Caliphate all bear witness to this revolutionary conception of the faith. The Maulana did not try to prove anything by weaving a web of words through the power of his style; rather, he polished and cleansed the truths and facts that had remained hidden from people because of centuries of unpractised, stagnant thinking, and placed them plainly before the Islamic community.

The second distinctive feature of his writings and thought is that he has illuminated every aspect and sphere of Islam and explained each one in a manner suited to the present age. He has refuted, with arguments and evidence, every kind of objection raised against religion by the modern scientific age. He has portrayed the complete edifice of the Islamic social system. In every aspect and sphere of life—social, political, economic, cultural, legal and educational, agricultural and industrial, moral and spiritual—in short, he has explained the principles of Islam in meticulous detail with arguments and evidence. He has explained what the modern world demands of Islam and what Islam demands in the modern age. He has proved Communism to be erroneous. He has likewise demonstrated that capitalism is a destructive ideology. He regards all the various isms, such as Fascism, Socialism and Liberalism, as dangerous doctrines for humanity.

He does not regard these matters as harmless, like some narrow-minded cleric. Rather, by analyzing their flaws and deviations, he has pointed them out clearly and unmistakably.

The third distinctive feature is that Maulana Maududi proved that Islam is not merely a religion of worship and rituals that has no “connection” with politics. Rather, there is no sphere of life that can remain independent of Islam. Islam is a complete way of life, and politics is one sphere of this life. Until this political sphere of life is brought under Islam, its demands are not fulfilled.

A Brief Introduction to Some of the Maulana’s Works

Tafhim al-Qur’an

“So many books have already been written in our language on the translation and exegesis of the Holy Qur’an that writing and publishing yet another translation or exegesis merely for the sake of gaining someone’s blessing and approval does not seem to me a worthwhile use of time and effort. … For a long time I had been feeling that, despite the praiseworthy efforts of translators and exegetes, it had not at all been possible to quench the growing thirst among our educated circles to understand the inner meaning of the Qur’an and its true purpose. I thought, why should I not also make some effort or other to quench this thirst?”

The Maulana expressed these words in the introduction to his Tafhim al-Qur’an. While translating the Qur’an, he therefore abandoned the customary practice of literal translation and rendered the Arabic technical terms into simple, fluent and lucid Urdu. This is a unique and exceptionally refined work of literary craftsmanship. He says:

“The first point is that when one reads a literal translation, one feels none of the continuity of the original text, the sweetness of its language, or the impact of its discourse. Line after line of a Qur’anic translation presents a lifeless statement which, after being read, inspires no motivation in the reader’s heart; the body does not shiver, tears do not flow from the eyes, and no revolutionary sentiment arises in the reader’s mind. One cannot feel even slightly that something is influencing one’s knowledge, intellect and conscience and entering deep into one’s heart. Yet the impact of the Qur’an’s literature is no less than the impact of its sacred teachings and sublime subject matter. It is for this reason that even hearts hard as stone melted after hearing the sacred recitation of the Qur’an, and all Arabia trembled at the thunderous proclamation of its message. Even its opponents acknowledged its power and feared that this message possessed such magical force that merely hearing it would bring people completely under its influence. If the Qur’an had not possessed such power in its language, and had it been revealed in the kind of language we find in its translations, it could never have aroused an irresistible vitality among the entire Arab nation or won their hearts and minds. (Tafhim al-Qur’an, Introduction).”

Then, while reading the Qur’an, the reader repeatedly wonders and asks why the Qur’an is so different from our ordinary books, what its subject matter is, why it lacks sequential arrangement and continuity, and how it was compiled and preserved after its revelation. In the introduction to Tafhim al-Qur’an, the Maulana refuted all such doubts and questions. He presented satisfactory answers to all these questions at the very outset. His introduction may, in fact, be called the fundamental principle for understanding the Holy Qur’an; it has also been published separately as a booklet.

Through his monthly journal Tarjuman al-Qur’an, the Maulana began writing Tafhim al-Qur’an serially in 1943 and completed it over thirty years. It may be said that he spent most of his life composing this invaluable work. For future generations, it is his greatest contribution.

He once remarked during his afternoon gathering (a sitting from Asr until Maghrib):

“I have divided my day and night into three portions. One portion is for the daily affairs of the country and the organization, one for the present generation, and one for future generations. I regard the work of writing Tafhim al-Qur’an as a right owed by me to future generations. I cannot sacrifice this right for the sake of the present generation.”

He spent all his strength on making this book more useful, authoritative and informative for future generations. He personally traveled throughout the Middle East, the “Land of the Qur’an” (the historical places mentioned in the Qur’an), and included photographs of those historical sites in his work.

In explaining the Divine Word in Tafhim al-Qur’an, the Maulana did not introduce anything fabricated. He followed the views of earlier Muslim scholars and the pious predecessors, authentic Hadith and the Prophetic biography. Among the exegetical works he particularly consulted while writing his exegesis, special mention may be made of Allama Jarullah Zamakhshari’s Kashshaf ‘an Haqa’iq al-Tanzil, Allama Ibn Kathir’s Tafsir al-Qur’an al-‘Azim, Abu Bakr al-Jassas’s Ahkam al-Qur’an, and Ibn al-‘Arabi al-Maliki’s Ahkam al-Qur’an.

When he encountered questions relating to Islamic jurisprudence while explaining the Qur’an, the Maulana consulted the original works of the four imams of jurisprudence—the Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi‘i and Hanbali schools. The Maulana’s customary practice was always to study the original source texts in order to determine the truth of a matter. Various books of exegesis, Hadith, foundational works of jurisprudence, the Prophetic biography and Islamic history were spread across his table. Before recording anything in Tafhim al-Qur’an, he would note the information he needed from these works on separate sheets of paper. His thorough examination and investigation of particular subjects sometimes occupied him for days and weeks on end.

One feature of Tafhim al-Qur’an is that, keeping the modern mindset in view, the Maulana explained various subjects in its notes. Without introducing complex theories of Arabic lexicography, grammar and logic, he presented solutions to the problems of the modern age in simple, straightforward language. He shed illuminating light on the doubts, misgivings and questions that may arise in a reader’s mind while reading the Qur’an.

Another notable feature of Tafhim al-Qur’an is that an introduction, preface or prologue has been included at the beginning of every surah. The surah’s central subject matter, its background, the circumstances of revelation, and a full account of the social, political and cultural environment and circumstances in which it was revealed are mentioned at the outset. As a result, the subject matter of the surah, together with its inner meaning, becomes clear to the reader beforehand. This is an innovative approach to understanding the Qur’an that the Maulana has presented to the reader.

Another notable aspect of Tafhim al-Qur’an is that through it the Maulana rendered commendable service concerning the sacred biography of the Prophet Mustafa (peace be upon him). By presenting the true identity of the Prophet Mustafa (peace be upon him), the bearer and conveyer of the Holy Qur’an, he instilled in readers profound love and affection for him. By dividing the Prophet’s Makkan and Madinan lives into distinct stages, he clarified various aspects of the Prophetic biography. Presenting conclusive proofs of prophethood at every step, he created firm conviction in readers regarding the Messengerhood. The reader can then clearly feel that revelation, the prophets and messengers, the Book and the Sunnah are intimately interconnected. Despite the comprehensive discussion of the Prophetic biography in the notes to Tafhim al-Qur’an, the Maulana wished to write a separate book on the subject. By the infinite grace of Allah, he completed this great work as well. This book, Sirat-e Sarwar-e ‘Alam, has been published in several volumes.

Among the Maulana’s revolutionary writings, Tafhim al-Qur’an occupies the foremost place, while Al-Jihad fi al-Islam is the foundation stone of his literary endeavors. It may be said without hesitation that this is his greatest contribution to future humanity.

Research on Tafhim al-Qur’an and the Maulana’s books has begun in scattered locations at home and abroad. However, in order to secure lasting benefits from Tafhim for future generations, it is necessary to establish a research academy or a high-level research institution at the state level. I hope that Allah will also make the way easy for this work.

The Four Fundamental Qur’anic Terms

This book opens the doors of the reader’s mind for a correct understanding of the Qur’an. For this reason, its importance is immense. The four terms on which the Maulana sheds thorough light in this book are Ilah, Rabb, ‘ibadah and Din. Unless the reader has a clear understanding of these four concepts, understanding the Qur’an will not be possible at all. If the reader thinks that Ilah means some worshipped deity, Din means a religion, Rabb means sustainer, and ‘ibadah means praise, glorification and ritual worship, then it will be utterly impossible for him to grasp the essential message of the Qur’an. For this reason, the Maulana considered it essential to provide a correct explanation of these four terms and wrote this book.

It is not that explanations of these four terms were never given incidentally in Tafhim al-Qur’an. However, recognizing their importance created the need to write a separate book on them.

The Essence of Islamic Culture

At present, a mental confusion and disorder regarding Islamic culture prevails among Muslims. Whatever Muslims do, or have traditionally done, is being described as Islamic or Muslim culture. Whatever Muslims do is considered Islamic and is expected to have Islam’s support. The attempt to include fine arts and musical performances in Islamic culture in the name of entertainment is a result of the influence of Western civilization. The above-mentioned book provides a detailed discussion and correct solutions and principles concerning all these matters: whether Islam presents any cultural values to the world; whether Islam has any fundamental principles in the cultural sphere; what is meant by culture; on what foundations Islamic civilization and culture are established; and whether belief in Tawhid, Messengership and the Hereafter acknowledges any particular cultural concepts. There is no doubt that this book will serve as a guide for people of refined taste engaged in cultural work.

Al-Jihad fi al-Islam

This subject was discussed at the very beginning of the book.

The Islamic Renaissance Movement

Islam is a vibrant philosophy of life, sent by the Creator of the universe for humanity so that people may conduct their entire lives according to it. This philosophy of life was fully implemented during the lifetime of the last Prophet, Muhammad Mustafa (peace be upon him). It remained intact, unsullied and pure during the era of the Rightly Guided Caliphate. Later, however, when the Caliphate was transformed into monarchy, ignorance gradually began to infiltrate Islam. It then became a difficult problem for ordinary people to determine which of these elements was Islam and which was ignorance. To free Islam from the refuse of ignorance and recover it in its pure and authentic form, a reformer is needed—one who is called a “mujaddid” in Islamic terminology. Whenever the Muslim nation has felt the need to cleanse Islam of impurity, a mujaddid has appeared in Islamic history.

In this book, while discussing the ideological conflict between Islam and ignorance, the Maulana analyzed four doctrines concerning life and proved that Islam alone is an acceptable doctrine for humanity. He then explained the definition of a mujaddid, the fundamental difference between a mujaddid and a prophet, and matters such as Imam Mahdi. He also discussed several of the great mujaddids of the Muslim nation and their activities.

The Conflict between Islam and Western Civilization

After the British established political domination over the Indian subcontinent, Muslims were not merely deprived of political power; modern civilization also destroyed their self-confidence, peace of mind, faith and creedal convictions. Thereafter, whenever Western civilization frowned in disgust upon something Muslims possessed, Muslims began to regret it and abandon it—whether their clothing, conduct, language, or faith and creed. In other words, they began abandoning, one by one, everything regarded as undesirable from the Western perspective. Eventually, one group among the Muslims went so far as to regard everything imported from Europe as credible like revelation, while genuine “revelation” became suspect to them. Fascinated and attracted by the new discoveries of science, they began offering various fanciful interpretations of them. When a nation is seized by this kind of mental slavery, it then digs its own grave with its own hands. Though born among this nation, the Maulana fiercely criticized this mental slavery and tried, through his incisive writing, to save Muslims from this path of self-destruction.

In the aforementioned book, the Maulana shed light on mental slavery and its causes, the decline of Islamic civilization, the maladies of modern civilization, and the empty slogans of the progressives, and offered an engaging discussion of remedies for the diseases of modern civilization. Through this book, he awakened self-awareness in a nation that had forgotten itself.

An Introduction to Islam

This book is highly important and beneficial for acquiring basic knowledge about Islam. Through it, the reader can understand the true meaning and essence of Islam. In simple, straightforward and engaging language, the Maulana discusses in detail Islam, faith, prophethood, Din and Shariah, as well as the laws and injunctions of the Shariah.

The Fundamental Teachings of Islam

(The Khutbat or Haqiqat series)

This book gives a detailed account of the essence of faith, Islam, prayer and fasting, zakat, Hajj and jihad. Its language is simple and readily understandable to ordinary people. The book is a compilation of the series of lectures he delivered on these subjects in the Friday sermons.

The Islamic Way of Life

This book sheds light on Islam’s political, economic, social, spiritual and moral laws and systems. Soon after the establishment of Pakistan, the Maulana delivered a series of radio lectures on these subjects, which were compiled and published together in book form. The book bears witness to the fact that Islam is a complete code of life for humanity.

Purdah and Islam

This book is one of the Maulana’s greatest literary contributions. In it, one of the world’s foremost Islamic thinkers, Maulana Sayyid Abul A‘la Maududi, took up his pen firmly on a controversial issue of the modern age. At the very beginning of the book, while discussing the fundamental problems of human society, he says:

“There are two principal and most complex problems of human civilization. The progress and overall well-being of humanity depend on the proper solution of these two problems. Therefore, the thoughtful and learned people of the world remain troubled and concerned about finding their solution.

“The first problem is how the relationship between women and men can be established in social life. In reality, this is the foundation stone of civilization; and if there is any room for distortion in it, then the civilizational edifice built upon it will necessarily be distorted.”

“The second problem concerns the individual and collective relationships of humanity. If even the slightest inconsistency remains in harmonizing these two, humanity will have to suffer its bitterness for a long time.” Thereafter, the Maulana painted a deeply painful picture of the social systems of ancient Greece, Rome and Christian Europe. In describing the eighteenth-century concept of freedom, he presented historical examples of sexual immorality, sexual anarchy, contagious sexual diseases, licentiousness and obscenity as its inevitable consequences. On the basis of historical facts, he proved how Western society, having failed to determine the proper place of women and men in society, is rapidly advancing toward national suicide. After providing philosophical, natural, scientific and psychological analyses of the relationship between women and men in society, he gave a detailed account of the Islamic social system as a sound and lasting solution. The book created a tremendous stir in the world of thought.

Besides the aforementioned works, his books The Indian Freedom Movement and the Muslims, The Islamic State, Islamic Law and Constitution, Islam and Birth Control, Khilafat and Monarchy, and others are also highly important. In addition, more than fifty other books and works by the Maulana are spread throughout the world, and by now most of his works have been translated into approximately forty languages.

The Maulana and the Influence of His Writings in Other Countries

India

Among the countries outside Pakistan where the message and mission of Maulana Maududi have exerted influence, India is particularly noteworthy. The Maulana began his work in undivided India, and after Partition, people influenced by his thought and program have continued working through the Indian Jamaat-e-Islami organization. At present, they are working on the basis of the following four-point program:

* Abolishing communal conflict.

* Reforming Muslim society according to Islamic principles and widely disseminating religious knowledge among Muslims.

* Influencing the educated and talented class, developing their abilities and engaging them in constructive work. In particular, stemming the powerful currents of atheism, communalism, Socialism and Communism through scientific arguments and evidence.

* Acquiring the ability to write essays and deliver speeches in Hindi and other regional languages, so that the great message of Islam can be conveyed in these languages.

Their work is proceeding on a broad scale and is highly promising.

Ceylon

The educated Muslims of Ceylon, especially educators and students, influenced by Maulana Maududi’s writings and Islamic movement, are working through the MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD MOVEMENT organization. They are propagating its ideals through weekly meetings and two newspapers. The business community here is also particularly interested in this matter. They have translated several of the Maulana’s books into Sinhala. This organization currently operates under the name ‘Jamaat-e-Islami Ceylon’.

America

For the past few years, the Maulana’s writings have been read appreciatively in America. An organization of Philadelphia’s Muslims called the ‘Muslim League’ regularly requests the Maulana’s writings. Orders for his writings are also sent from other places.

It is especially noteworthy that serious research on Maulana Maududi’s thought and outlook is being conducted at McGill University in Canada. Dr. Professor Charles J. Adams is carrying out this work. He has been granted an allowance of six thousand dollars for it by the Rockefeller Foundation.

This work is being conducted under the university’s Institute of Islamic Studies. Under this institute, research is being carried out on Maulana Maududi’s political outlook and on the organization and program of Jamaat-e-Islami.

Professor Adams stayed in Pakistan for two years and met the Maulana and his colleagues. He also properly learned the Urdu language.

For his research, all of the Maulana’s writings and all the files of Tarjuman-ul-Quran were collected.

Some time ago, Dr. Adams sent the following letter to Karachi’s Voice of Islam newspaper.

“Last year, an American organization asked me to write an article. The organization is interested in establishing relations among the various religions. In any case, I discussed Maulana Maududi in detail in my article. A representative of the Rockefeller Foundation was present at the gathering where I read my article. Afterward, he met me and requested that I conduct research on Maulana Maududi’s political thought. I will now spend a year writing a book about Maulana Maududi. In it, I will discuss at length his ideas concerning the establishment of an Islamic state.”

McGill University’s daily newspaper, the McGill Daily, made the following comment:

“Of the three or four thinkers in the modern world who have tried to establish a modern state in the light of Islam’s traditional outlook, Maulana Maududi is one. In this respect, the Maulana’s life is extremely important.

Influenced by the Maulana’s writings, a highly educated new Muslim young man formed an Islamic party in 1971, following the example of Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan, called The Islamic Party of North America. The party’s work is highly promising. It has two councils: first, the Central Guidance Council (central Majlis-e-Shura), and second, the General Council (general assembly). On behalf of the party, two periodicals are being regularly published as organs of Islam: the monthly Al-Islam (in English) and the fortnightly New Trend.

The party’s founder and current president, Yusuf Muzaffaruddin Hamid, says: “To understand the life-force of the Islamic revolution, it is essential to study together Ustad Maulana Maududi’s Tafhim-ul-Quran and Sayyid Qutb Shaheed’s Fi Zilalil Quran.

Needless to say, the Maulana’s writings drew Yusuf Muzaffaruddin onto an extremely difficult path of the Islamic movement. He says:

“We have organized our Jamaat scientifically. The party has various departments, namely education, politics, foreign affairs, literature and publication, and so on. In every department, educated responsible persons and devoted workers are engaged in carrying out their duties selflessly. We attach special importance to training the workers and educating future generations. A special organization has been established for the education of boys and girls. We have also arranged for them to acquire correct knowledge of the religion of Islam alongside the conventional curriculum. We work in twenty-two states of America.”

It is noteworthy that in 1969 Yusuf Muzaffaruddin came to Pakistan and spent a week in the Maulana’s company as his guest. He had lengthy discussions with the Maulana for several days, and the Maulana gave satisfactory answers to his various questions. The Maulana’s books, the constitution of Jamaat-e-Islami, its methods of work, and its organization impressed him so deeply that he expressed his desire to become a member of the Jamaat. But since membership was prohibited for foreign nationals, he returned home and formed the aforementioned Islamic party in 1971.

England

Orders for the Maulana’s writings are received from several places in England. They are greatly in demand among Muslim students. They ask the Maulana various difficult religious questions. While staying in London, they send him their problems and ask him for solutions.

After reading the Maulana’s books and becoming inspired and encouraged by Islamic ideals, a number of Muslims residing in London recently established an organization for propagating Islam in that country, called the ‘UK Islamic Mission.’ The Muslims living abroad in London earnestly wish to see the Maulana among them at least once. They invited him to London for this purpose, but their hope was not fulfilled. Owing to various difficulties, it was not possible to make time for this journey.

In the 1970s, Bengali-speaking Muslims in London, inspired by the Maulana’s thought, established an organization called ‘Dawatul Islam’ and have been working to spread the Islamic da‘wah. Branches of Dawatul Islam have also been established in various cities.

One commendable activity of the organization is arranging Islamic education for the children of Bengali speakers by establishing primary schools in various cities.

An Islamic research center called the ‘Islamic Foundation’ has been established in Leicester around the Maulana’s writings and thought. Islamic thinkers and research scholars from various countries are energetically continuing their work through the Islamic Foundation.

Germany

The influence of Maulana Maududi’s message and mission is also being strongly felt in Germany. Mr. Eric Abdur Rahman Ruslar, vice-president of the Islamic community in Hamburg, established contact with the Maulana and requested his books.

He informed the Maulana that the people there were suffering from four current maladies: mental unrest, complete despair, terror, and extreme confusion in the realm of thought.

The Maulana sent him all his books translated into English. Through Mr. Abdur Rahman’s efforts, considerable Islamic da‘wah work is now being carried out in Germany.

Islamic da‘wah work is also being carried out from the Islamic center established in Geneva, and the Maulana’s books have been translated there as well. A number of German intellectuals who accepted Islam have also begun translating the Maulana’s works.

Mauritius

One of the Maulana’s colleagues is residing in Mauritius and carrying on da‘wah work. He works there as a teacher in a school, also serves as a khatib in a mosque, gives lessons in the Quran and Hadith, and edits a newspaper. His work is progressing encouragingly.

Civil Korea

The young people here are studying the Maulana’s writings with great interest.

Furthermore, the Maulana’s writings are widely circulating in Urdu, Arabic, and English in Burma, Laos, the West Indies, British Guiana, South America, Pretoria, South Africa, Kano, Nigeria, Morocco, Johannesburg, and various other places.

The Islamic Society of Pretoria obtained permission to translate the Maulana’s writings into English.

The Mauritius government has designated some of the Maulana’s books as textbooks in the schools under its authority.

It has already been mentioned that the Maulana’s writings have received great appreciation in the Arab countries. They have planned to translate his writings into Arabic, English, and other European languages.

Japan

Among the non-Muslim peoples of Asia, the Japanese are expressing an eager desire to take shelter under Islam’s cool and soothing shade. They view American imperialism and hegemonism with hatred. They have not the slightest attraction to Christianity. The spell of the Shinto religion has passed from them. Materially, they are very prosperous. But spiritually, they are becoming restless and distressed. To date, twenty-five thousand Japanese have accepted Islam.

Needless to say, all this is the influence of the Maulana’s writings. In the 1960s, a gifted worker of Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan went to Japan to expand the Islamic da‘wah. Through his efforts, an Islamic center was established in Tokyo. Da‘wah work began, as did the translation of the Maulana’s writings into Japanese. The Islamic vitality now visible among the Japanese is the result of the Maulana’s heart-touching writings and the efforts of the Islamic center. The translation of the Maulana’s Tafhim-ul-Quran into Japanese is also under way. A Pakistani named Hussain Khan is the director of this center.

Sudan

For the past three decades, an uninterrupted struggle between Islam and kufr, truth and falsehood, has continued in Sudan. Through various shocks and reversals, and rises and falls, the Islamic movement there still survives as a significant force.

In 1950, the students of the University of Khartoum in Sudan first plunged into the Communist movement, and most of the teachers also joined it. But the Ikhwan al-Muslimun and the Maulana’s writings created a new consciousness among the students and formed a strong front against Communism. Sudan gained independence in 1956, and as the Islamic movement spread throughout the country, the people raised a clamor for an Islamic constitution. In 1967, just before the Islamic constitution was to be passed, a military coup took place in the country through a foreign conspiracy, and Russian influence began spreading everywhere. Persecution and oppression of the leaders and workers of the Islamic movement began.

Nevertheless, it was not possible to erase the influence of the Islamic movement from the minds and hearts of the people. One of the movement’s leaders, Dr. Hasan Turabi, was released after spending a long period in prison, and the Islamic movement is gradually growing stronger. [An Islamic government has now been established in Sudan. They have gradually begun implementing the laws of the Shariah there. The youth are ready to give their lives for Islam.—Author]

Maulana Maududi is the convener of an international mission. His program extends from the reform and correction of the individual to the state, and from the state to the reform, liberation, and welfare of all humanity. Therefore, his lofty message is international and worldwide.

Compared with all the systems operating in human society in the modern world, Maulana Maududi has presented Islam as a comprehensive way of life. He has also proved Islam superior to every other system. His thought is exerting considerable influence even in many non-Muslim countries of the world. Consequently, his books have begun to be translated in those countries. Thoughtful people have also begun conducting profound research on the subject.

Secondly, to build the state system on the principles of Islam, he has drawn a complete picture of an Islamic constitution. His invaluable book, Islamic Law and Constitution, has been highly praised by the educated classes at home and abroad. He conducted a mass movement in Pakistan for eight years for a complete Islamic constitution, shedding light on many complex and detailed issues. He gave satisfactory answers to many allegations and unfounded doubts, fears, and apprehensions. Consequently, in the public mind, an Islamic constitution came to mean a system based on the Quran and Sunnah. We hear echoes of the Islamic constitutional movement in other Muslim countries as well, where efforts are under way to establish it. Among the Muslim thinkers in the present world regarded as experts on Islamic laws and regulations, Maulana Sayyid Abul A‘la Maududi stands above them all.

His stature is now international. He is especially one of the greatest thinkers of the Islamic world. The brief account of his journey through the Middle East given above clearly shows that he carries the light of hope for the Islamic world, and that his modern thought is a great asset to the Muslim world.

Maulana Maududi and Tasawwuf

There are still quite a few people in our country who criticize and oppose Maulana Maududi on the grounds that he is opposed to Tasawwuf.

Some of them harbor baseless hostility toward the Maulana and wish to strike at him with this weapon of criticism, while others say these things out of sheer ignorance.

Maulana Maududi devoted his entire life to the struggle for Iqamat-e-Deen. There is no end to the persecution and oppression he had to endure on this path. Yet even so, he never submitted to falsehood for a moment. Among those who oppose the Maulana as an enemy of Tasawwuf, one has never seen a spirit of struggle for Iqamat-e-Deen. Rather, while maintaining the pomp of pir-murid relationships, they have joined hands with the forces of falsehood. Many of them, on the one hand, present themselves as spiritual guides in Tasawwuf, ma‘rifat, or ‘ilm al-batin, while on the other hand they work as supporters and members of political parties whose every effort is expended against Islam. They do not consider this objectionable because, in their view, politics and Islam are two separate things. This shows that their fundamental outlook on Islam is mistaken. A Muslim must follow only Allah’s commands at all times and in every sphere of life. He cannot even imagine that within the four walls of the mosque he will obey the command of one God, while in politics, business and commerce, and the arts he will follow the command of another.

Pir of pirs, Hazrat Abd al-Qadir Jilani (may Allah have mercy on him), said: Tasawwuf is derived from the word musafat *******************. Its meaning is to free the mind and intellect from all anti-Islamic doctrines, ideas, and ways of thinking; to purify oneself from love and affection, fear and awe, servitude, and obedience to everything except Allah. The purpose of Tasawwuf also includes protecting oneself from the worship of desires, hatred and rancor, worldly greed and covetousness, backbiting, gossip, pride, arrogance, and the like. The eminent critics should reflect on how far they themselves have been able to rise above these things.

Maulana Maududi made the following clear statement about Tasawwuf: Tasawwuf is not the name of one single thing. Rather, various things or subjects have been called by this name. The Tasawwuf that we accept is one thing, the Tasawwuf that we do not accept is another, and the Tasawwuf that we seek to reform and correct is yet a third thing.

One kind of Tasawwuf was found among the Sufis of the early period of Islam, such as Fudayl ibn Iyad, Ibrahim ibn Adham, and Ma‘ruf al-Karkhi (may Allah have mercy on them). It had no separate philosophy and no separate method of practice. Their thoughts and deeds originated in the Quran and Sunnah, and their purpose and aim were the same as those of Islam: sincerity and devotion to Allah.

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They were commanded only to worship Allah and to remain devoted to the religion, turning away from every other direction. —(Al-Bayyinah 5)

We acknowledge the validity of this Tasawwuf. Not only that, we wish to revive and propagate it.

The second kind of Tasawwuf is one in which Greek spiritualism, Plato’s desireless philosophy, Zoroastrianism, and Vedantic philosophy have become mixed. The methods of Christian priests and Hindu ascetics have been incorporated into it. Polytheistic ideas and practices have infiltrated it. Shariah, tariqah, and ma‘rifah have become separate from one another. Instead of preparing people to fulfill their responsibility as Allah’s caliphs on earth, they are prepared for an entirely different task. We wish to refute this Tasawwuf. In our view, uprooting this Tasawwuf is just as necessary for establishing Allah’s religion as uprooting modern jahiliyyah.

Apart from these two kinds of Tasawwuf, there is another kind in which the characteristics of the first and second kinds appear to be mixed. Various religious elders who were learned and sincere recorded the method of this Tasawwuf. But they were not free from the characteristics of their own time and the influence of past ages. They made every effort to understand the correct Tasawwuf of Islam and purify its practical method from the pollution of jahili Tasawwuf. Nevertheless, their outlook retained some influence from the philosophy of jahili Tasawwuf, and their methods of practice retained some influence from outside methods. They believed that these things were not contrary to the teachings of the Quran and Sunnah, or at least that they could not be regarded as contrary through interpretation and analysis. Moreover, the purpose and outcome of this Tasawwuf differ, to some extent, from the purpose and desired outcome of Islam. Its purpose is not clearly to prepare every person to discharge moral responsibility, and the Quran ****************

Its purpose is also not to teach what is indicated by the words, ‘so that you may be witnesses over humanity.’ —(Al-Baqarah 143) Nor could the outcome of this Tasawwuf produce people who fully understood the religion, became restless with the thought of Iqamat-e-Deen, and became capable of this work. We neither accept this third kind of Tasawwuf in its entirety nor do we wish to refute it in its entirety. Rather, our appeal to its followers and supporters is that, while preserving their faith in and respect for the great personalities, they should examine this Tasawwuf critically in the light of the Quran and Sunnah and try to reform it. Furthermore, if anyone criticizes an aspect of this Tasawwuf after finding it contrary to the Quran and Sunnah, then whether or not his view is accepted, he should at least not be unjustly rebuked by denying his right to criticize.

Was the Maulana Opposed to Tasawwuf?

The renowned literary figure and journalist Abed Nizami spoke about this. He says:

It was around 1950. Maulana Sayyid Abul A‘la Maududi used to deliver a Quran lesson every Sunday from nine o’clock at a mosque behind the Lahore Hotel, on Fateh Muhammad Road. Many people would gather there. I was fifteen or sixteen at the time. My family environment was thoroughly influenced by Tasawwuf. I had heard that Maulana Maududi was opposed to Tasawwuf and the Sufis. Naturally, I could have no attraction or fondness whatsoever for such a person.

One day, for some reason, I attended his lesson. I had written this question at home on a piece of paper and taken it with me: Please tell me, why do you oppose Tasawwuf?

The piece of paper passed through several hands and eventually reached the Maulana. In reply, the Maulana said, “In fact, it is a great slander against me to say that I am opposed to tasawwuf. I have repeatedly said in my various articles that by tasawwuf I mean purification of the self, and that it is the spirit or life force of the din. In the Qur’an it is called ‘tazkiyah’ and ‘hikmah.’ In the Hadith it has been named ‘ihsan.’ Now, how can a Muslim oppose something that is proven by the Qur’an and Hadith? Of course, I do not support a form of tasawwuf that has no connection whatsoever with Islamic Shariah. The Sufis of Islam have also opposed this kind of tasawwuf. In reality, tasawwuf means following the Prophet’s ‘Uswah Hasanah’ with sincere intention and complete love.”

From this clear reply of the Maulana, I realized that his simple and straightforward explanation of tasawwuf had made a tremendous impression on my mind.

From then on, I began attending his dars. I also attended the gathering held after Asr in the courtyard adjoining his house at 5/A Jaildar Park. One day I said to the Maulana, “Maulana, I dreamed that you were telling me to read the book ‘Zabte Wiladat’ (birth control).”

The Maulana said, “Have you read the book?”

I said, “Yes, indeed.”

The Maulana said, “Then after marriage, continue to practise it.”

In 1967, I was transferred to Rawalpindi. One evening, I took my sick six- or seven-month-old child to the Hamdard dispensary on Murree Road. Before crossing the road to go to the dispensary, I saw the Maulana coming out after praying Maghrib at Chandni Chowk. I approached him and offered salam. He said, “What brings you here?” I replied, “Maulana, I have been transferred here. The child is seriously ill, so I have come to obtain medicine.”

The Maulana caressed the child. Then, with great affection, he recited something and blew over the child.

I said jokingly, “Maulana, do you practise healing by recitation and blowing as well?”

The Maulana said, “Yes, of course I do. Sufi gentlemen like you needlessly publicize me as a ‘Wahhabi.’”

Anyway, I returned straight home from there. My wife asked, “Where is the medicine?” I told her the whole incident. Now, God willing, the child would recover without medicine—and that is exactly what happened.

From then on, my relationship with the Maulana grew deeper and deeper.

An incident from 1970: The afternoon gathering was in progress at 5/A Jaildar Park. The Maulana was answering a man’s question. At that moment, a young man stood up holding a sharp knife, placed it on the table before the Maulana, and began asking the Maulana’s forgiveness in a tearful voice. It became known that the young man had come to kill the Maulana after hearing a highly inflammatory speech against him from a religious scholar in Lyallpur (present-day Faisalabad). But on seeing the Maulana’s luminous face and hearing his captivating conversation, he became so attracted that he began abusing that very religious scholar instead.

Everyone at the gathering was stunned and astonished. The Maulana gladly forgave him. The young man left the gathering repentant and transformed.

Once someone asked, “Maulana, when you stand before the Master on the Day of Judgment, what meritorious deed will you present there?”

The Maulana said in a trembling voice, “A meritorious deed? No, no. On that day I will cling to the hope of His special mercy. If, through His boundless mercy, He accepts any of my deeds, that will be His special favor.”

One day at this afternoon gathering, a young man said in great agitation, “Maulana! Some people spread such slanders against you that one’s whole body shudders. Some religious scholars even slander your family members from the mosque’s minbar and mihrab. Why do you not file defamation suits against these people in court?”

The Maulana replied, “Rest assured. I have already filed a case against them in such a high court that they will not be able to escape at all. The day is not far off when their prayers and fasts will fall to my share.”

Spiritual Reform and Correction

Maulana Maududi made the following comment about spiritual reform in Tafhim al-Qur’an:

“…Understand well that external correction must never be given precedence over spiritual reform and correction. First, try to make yourself a true Muslim by the standard of the Qur’an. Then continue making external changes only to the extent that inner change takes place. Otherwise, if, keeping mere rules and procedures before you, you shape your outward appearance according to the external image of a pious person presented in the Hadith and fiqh books, while true God-consciousness has not been created, then your example will be like a copper coin stamped with the impression of a gold coin. Stamping the impression of a gold coin is not difficult. You can easily do it on any cheap metal you wish. But producing a genuine coin is difficult. That quality is acquired through working with chemicals for a long time. Unfortunately, for some time in our country extraordinary importance has been placed on the outward aspect. The result is that copper, iron, lead, and coins made of every kind of inferior metal, bearing the impression of gold coins, have come into circulation. The marketplace of practical life is so active in commercial dealings that the deception of these counterfeit coins will not continue for long. Counterfeit gold coins circulated for some time, but now they have not even a penny’s value in the market. Therefore, the kind of piety that must be created among us demands that, instead of trying to stamp the impression of a gold coin, we should strive to become genuine gold coins.”

“Instead of struggling against rebels against God in the outside world, subdue the rebel who resides within you and constantly urges you to act against God’s law and His will. If this rebel, having been nurtured within you, becomes so influential over you that he can make you accept his demands against Allah’s pleasure, then declaring war against the external enemy becomes meaningless. The example is exactly like having a bottle of wine lying inside the house while waging war against drunkards outside. This contradiction is extremely dangerous for our movement. First bow your own head before God. Then demand obedience from others.”

Relationship with Allah

Among the words of advice that Maulana Maududi gave to his colleagues, he offered the following advice about establishing a relationship with Allah:

Regarding the significance of establishing a relationship with Allah, the account in the Holy Qur’an shows that a person’s entire life, death, worship, devotion, sacrifice, and everything else must remain exclusively devoted to Allah.

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“With complete devotion, dedicate your way of life, or din, exclusively to Allah Almighty and obey Him alone.” —(Al-An‘am 162)

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The Noble Messenger (peace be upon him) explained this matter in detail on several occasions, leaving none of its meaning or significance unclear.

The Noble Prophet (peace be upon him) explained this matter in detail on several occasions, leaving none of its meaning or significance unclear.

A review of the sayings of the Noble Prophet (peace be upon him) shows that establishing a relationship with Allah means ************************************* fearing Allah in all matters, secretly or openly —(the Hadith). In addition, it means relying more on Allah’s mighty power than on one’s own means and resources.

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and incurring people’s displeasure in order to please Allah

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(the Hadith)

The exact opposite condition is to incur Allah Almighty’s displeasure in order to gain people’s approval.

Later, when this connection and relationship gradually increases and reaches the point at which friendship, enmity, transactions, and everything else with anyone are undertaken solely for Allah’s sake, with not the slightest influence from one’s own will, inclinations, likes, or dislikes, then one should understand that one’s relationship with Allah has become complete.

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Whoever loves only for Allah’s sake, shows enmity only for Allah’s sake, gives something to someone only for Allah’s sake, and withholds something from someone only for Allah’s sake has perfected his faith. (Abu Dawud)

How to Determine One’s Relationship with Allah Almighty

In his words of advice, Maulana Maududi also clearly explained how one’s relationship with Allah can be measured. He said:

How are we to know whether our connection and relationship with Allah Almighty is increasing or decreasing? In answer, I would tell you that there is no need for a dream-borne ‘glad tiding’ or for kashf and karamat in order to feel this. There is no need to remain in a dark room waiting for ‘enlightenment.’ Allah Almighty Himself has placed the necessary means of measuring this connection and relationship within the heart of every believer. While awake, you can measure and examine it whenever you wish during the day. Review your life, your efforts, and all your thoughts, beliefs, and outlooks. After putting your own accounts in order, compare them with the covenant you have made with Allah and see how fully you have observed it. In Allah Almighty’s trusts, your right is only that of a trustee. Therefore, you must calculate whether you have committed any kind of breach of trust in them. How much of your time, labor, skill, ability, wealth, and so forth is being spent according to Allah Almighty’s commands? And how much has been devoted to other paths? How annoyed and angry do you become when your interests or sentiments are hurt? Consider this condition: when rebellion is declared against Allah Almighty, what is the nature and extent of your own anger, pain, anxiety, and distress? Besides this, you can ask yourself and your conscience many other questions. On the basis of the answers gathered from these questions, you will be able to understand each day whether you have a relationship and connection with Allah Almighty. If so, to what extent—and is it increasing or gradually decreasing? Refrain from trying to employ supernatural means such as basharat, kashf and karamat, anwar, or tajalliyat. In reality, while living amid the deceptive variety of this material world, there is no greater kashf than understanding the true reality of tawhid. In the face of the temptations and threats of Satan and his followers, nothing is a greater karamat than remaining firmly established on the straight path of truth. Seeing the light of truth amid the dense darkness of kufr, fisq, and misguidance, or seeing some ‘light’ in order to recognize it, is not particularly significant. For believing Muslims, the finest means of receiving glad tidings is to accept Allah Almighty as one’s Lord and Sustainer, remain firmly steadfast in this belief, and obey His commands.

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Surely, those who say, ‘Allah is our Lord,’ and then remain steadfast upon this, the angels descend upon them and say: ‘Do not fear, nor grieve; receive the glad tidings of the Paradise that you were promised.’ (Ha-Mim al-Sajdah 30)

If what has been said above is not true tasawwuf, then what else is tasawwuf? Maulana Maududi did not stop at giving his colleagues all this advice. He reflected every one of his priceless words of advice in his own life.

Maulana Maududi’s priceless words of advice concerning spiritual reform and correction are recorded in a book called Hedayat.

Maulana Maududi’s Message

My message to Muslims is that they should understand and fulfil the responsibility imposed upon them by virtue of being Muslims. You will not be excused merely by saying, ‘We are Muslims; we have accepted God and His din.’ Rather, when you have accepted God as your God and His din as your din, certain responsibilities also arise with them. You must be conscious of these responsibilities and must think about fulfilling them. If you do not fulfil them, you will find no escape from their terrible consequences, either in this world or in the Hereafter. What are these responsibilities? They do not consist merely in believing in God, His angels, His Books, His prophets, and the Hereafter. Nor do they consist merely in praying, fasting, performing Hajj, and paying zakat. Nor do they consist merely in following Islam’s prescribed rules concerning marriage, divorce, inheritance, and the like. Rather, in addition to all this, a great and extremely important responsibility rests upon you. It is that you must stand before the entire world bearing witness to the truth in which you have believed. The sole purpose of creating a permanent ummah called Muslims, as stated in the Holy Qur’an, is that you should present the testimony of truth fully before humankind.

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‘And thus We have made you a middlemost ummah, so that you may bear witness to the din of Allah before the people, and the Messenger may bear witness to the din of Allah before you.’ (Al-Baqarah 143)

This is the true purpose of your remaining a permanent ummah. If you do not fulfil it, life itself will become a failure. This is the obligation prescribed for you by God, for His command—

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‘O believers, stand firm for God and be witnesses to the truth.’ (An-Nisa 135)

This is not merely a general command from Allah Almighty; rather, it has been emphatically stressed.

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‘Who can be a greater wrongdoer than one who possesses testimony from Allah and conceals it?’ (Al-Baqarah 140)

Allah Almighty has also told you what the consequence may be of failing to fulfil this duty. Before you, the Jews were placed in the witness box. But they concealed some of the truth and testified against some of it. In short, they remained witnesses for falsehood instead of truth. The result was that Allah humiliated and cursed them.

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‘They were struck with humiliation and poverty and became victims of Allah’s wrath.’ (Al-Baqarah 61)

The responsibility of bearing witness entrusted to you means that you must testify before the world to the truth of the truth that has come to you and been revealed, and of the path to human welfare and salvation that has been shown. You must bear such witness that its civilization becomes manifest and the validity of the din is fully established before the people of the world. This testimony can be of only two kinds: one fundamental and the other practical. The method of fundamental testimony is that, through speeches and writing, we will make manifest the truth that has reached us through the prophets (peace be upon them). We will adopt every means of explaining it to people and making it firmly rooted in their hearts. We will employ every possible means in preaching, inviting, and publicizing. With all the means and resources that knowledge and science have gathered, we will make the teachings of the din prescribed by Allah shine before the world. We will thoroughly analyze everything that this din has presented for human guidance in thought and belief, morality, civilization and social order, earning a livelihood and transactions, laws and the judicial system, politics and governance, and the various aspects of international relations. We will establish its truth through reasoning, argument, testimony, and proof, and, through rational criticism of whatever opposes it, explain how much harm it contains. This verbal testimony can never succeed until the entire ummah collectively becomes concerned with guiding humanity in the way the prophets were individually concerned. To make it successful, we must make this task the central subject of all our collective efforts and national struggle. We must devote the full power of our minds and all our means and resources to this work. All our activities must be directed toward this purpose, and we will tolerate nothing among us that bears witness against the truth.

Now comes practical testimony. This means that the ideals we have acknowledged as true must be implemented in real life. The world should not merely hear grand claims about their truth from our mouths; rather, it should see their beauty and blessings with its own eyes in our actual lives. It should be able to taste in our conduct the sweetness that faith creates in human character. It should see for itself what honest people can be produced under the direction of the din, how pure and clean a civilization can emerge, how properly knowledge, science, and literature can flourish, how just, compassionate, and mutually accepted economic cooperation can develop, and how every aspect of individual and collective life can be corrected, organized, and made beneficial. This testimony can succeed only when, individually and nationally, we become living witnesses to the truth of our din. The character of each of us will testify to it; our homes will be filled with its fragrance; our shops, mills, and factories will be illuminated by its light. Our institutions and educational centers will shine with its radiance. Literature and journalism will carry certificates of its beauty. Our national policy and our collective efforts will be bright examples of its truth. In short, wherever and whenever we come into contact with any person or nation, our personal and national character should clearly prove that the ideals we proclaim as true are truly true, and that through them human life genuinely becomes beautiful in every respect, finest, and most elevated. I would further say that this testimony can attain completion only when a state is established on the basis of these ideals. Thereafter, that state will implement the complete din and undertake its reformative programme through justice. Through its sound administration, peace and security, the welfare and advancement of its people, the purity and virtue of its rulers, noble domestic policy, just foreign policy, honorable wars, and reliable treaties, it will prove before the world that the din which gave birth to this state is truly a symbol of human welfare, and that humanity’s welfare lies in observing it. When this testimony joins the fundamental testimony, the responsibility placed upon the Muslim nation will be fulfilled. Then the proof against humanity will have been completed, and the entire Muslim nation will attain such qualification that, standing after the Noble Prophet (peace be upon him) in the court of the Hereafter, it can testify that we conveyed to others the message that the Prophet (peace be upon him) had conveyed to us. If, even after that, they do not come to the right path, they themselves will be responsible.

Therefore, my message is exactly what Allah Almighty sent through the mouth of His Prophet (peace be upon him):

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“Come, let us accept a principle that is common to you and us: that we worship and obey none but Allah, associate no partner with Him, and that none of us shall take anyone else as a lord besides Allah. (Aal-e-Imran 64)

We are all servants of one God, followers of the same Messenger, believers in the same Book, and the same qiblah is our center and the basis of our return. Let us agree on this: in this world we will serve no one but Allah, accept no law besides His law, and allow no command of anyone besides His command to prevail in this world.

Maulana Maududi’s Thought on the Educational System

In our history, in response to the demands of the time, Sir Syed Ahmad appeared with an educational plan. Subsequently, the good and bad results of whatever temporary objectives that plan had also became apparent. But after the partition of India in 1947, Pakistan emerged as an independent state. Consequently, all need for that plan for an independent nation and state has come to an end. It is no longer suitable in any way for an independent nation.

Shortly before this subcontinent achieved independence, the first strong call for a complete educational revolution from the perspective of Islam was heard. It was the voice of Maulana Sayyid Abul A’la Maududi. This was not merely a voice; through his various articles and speeches, Maulana Maududi continually left us abundant material concerning a comprehensive educational plan, a practical program for implementing it, curricula, and related matters.

Maulana has written so extensively on a truly Islamic education system that there is no room here to discuss it all. Here, however, his central perspective is being presented briefly. He says:

“It has now become essential to abolish both of the two opposing educational systems that have operated here until now. That is, the traditional religious education introduced under English rule and the modern educational system must both be eliminated. In place of these two educational systems, a new system is needed—one that, on the one hand, is free from all the defects and shortcomings of the past and, on the other, can meet all the needs that are indispensable for us at this time as a Muslim nation, an independent nation, and a developing nation.”

In issuing this call for an educational revolution, Maulana clearly described in several of his articles the structure and fundamental principles of the desired Islamic education system. Before illuminating Islamic educational policy, however, Maulana presented a correct and clear conception of the human being, human philosophy of life, the nature of the universe, and related matters; it is only upon such a clear and correct conception that the foundation of an Islamic education system can be laid. Then, while describing the philosophy of education, he explained the true definition of knowledge and its true source.

In describing the purpose of education, he placed the greatest emphasis on character building. He says that the purpose of education is self-purification. If human character is not noble, the proper balance cannot be established in society. Since human beings are God’s representatives, the best way to hold this important office is to develop in one’s character and conduct those qualities whose true possessor is Allah, the Lord and Creator of all the worlds. The character must certainly possess qualities such as affection, compassion and generosity, justice, and fairness.

In his book Ta‘limat (Education System: The Islamic Perspective), Maulana says: “In our education system, we must give greater importance to moral training than to intellectual training.

He also describes the development of latent abilities and talents as one of the purposes of education. He further says that the primary purpose of education is to attain true knowledge of God. Thereafter, one’s abilities and talents should be developed in such a way that one may be regarded as a beneficial asset to society.

Maulana says that a civilization and culture are expressed through education. The purpose of education is not merely to keep a culture alive, but also to carry it forward to future generations.

He says that the purpose of our education system should be to advance life on the basis of the ideology and goal under which it is being conducted. Living nations establish their own future education systems precisely for this purpose.

Leadership Training

Maulana says that the purpose of education is to produce people capable of acquiring the ability to lead the world properly in the modern age according to the principles of the True Religion. In other words, an important purpose of education is to create excellent citizens so that they may become capable of leading the world. A nation whose goal is to lead the world shapes its education system in such a way as to fulfill this purpose.

Research on Maulana Maududi’s educational policy has begun in various circles. Professor Muhammad Husain of the Education and Research Institute of the University of Punjab wrote an extensive essay entitled “Maulana’s Educational Thought,” which was published in book form by the Lahore Research and Publication Agency. This learned essay has been highly praised by education specialists and distinguished lovers of education.

Maulana on Pakistan’s Education System

Even several years after Pakistan came into existence as an independent state founded on an ideology, its education system remained exactly as it had been during the era of slavery under the British. No effort whatsoever was made to establish an education system based on Pakistan’s ideals in place of the system devised by foreign and alien rulers. Although the entire nation had keenly felt that, among all the arrangements necessary to give practical form to its hopes and aspirations, the greatest importance had to be given to its own national education system. But the rulers continued clinging to the relics left behind by the departed masters. The structure of the education system remained exactly as it had been; indeed, in attempting to reform it somewhat, they made it even more dilapidated and completely opposed to the national ideal.

At the annual conference of the All-Pakistan Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba, held in Lahore on December 25, 1952, Maulana Maududi delivered a highly important and instructive speech on the education system. He discussed logically the defects and shortcomings of the prevailing education system, its disastrous nature and poisonous consequences, and briefly presented an outline of an education system suited to Pakistan. That historic speech was published as a pamphlet. I quote a portion of it below—

Godless Education System

There is no trace of Islam in the subjects taught under the modern education system. Nor could there be. To the extent that these subjects developed in Europe, God-rejecting people provided the leadership. The nominal religious people who existed in Europe at that time had long before been expelled from the fields of thought and spiritual endeavor. That is why people of this kind assumed leadership in all fields, including philosophy, history, and sociology. Even if they were not atheists, they felt no need in their practical lives to acknowledge obedience to God. The disciplines and books that the British imported and introduced in this country are still what is taught here today. Those who study according to this modern education system have, naturally, gradually drifted away, unknowingly, from the Faith of Islam, the Islamic worldview, and its ways and customs. They have no control whatsoever over this through their will, interest, or effort. Thus, if nowhere in all the disciplines a person studied from the first day of his educational life to its final moment, nor in all the knowledge he acquired in the world, is there a religious or God-centered perspective, how can belief in God arise in his heart? If God is not mentioned at all anywhere in his textbooks, he will study history, yet in it the determiner of human life’s destiny is supposedly man himself, and no one else; in the philosophy he studies, the Creator of the universe is not needed at all to unravel the mystery of the nature of belief; he will study science, yet nowhere in the entire universe is there any mention of an ingenious Creator and supreme director and administrator. Whatever disciplines he studies—law, political science, economics, and so on—nowhere is it mentioned whether the Creator of humankind has prescribed any way for them to live. Rather, the basic principle of all these disciplines is that human beings themselves have the right to determine their way of life, and no one else has any such right or authority.”

There is no need to tell a person educated in this manner, “You deny God.” What obstacle is there to his becoming, without realizing it, completely reckless and indifferent toward God?

Education Devoid of Morality

Not only has this modern education system no connection with religion and Islam; the tragedy is that it does not even awaken basic moral awareness among our youth. Yet everyone knows that, far from progressing, it is utterly impossible for a morally corrupt and characterless nation even to survive as a nation in this world. That is why, among those who entered working life after receiving a modern education, all the faults and bad habits of Western nations are found. But not even a trace of the virtues of the Western nations can be seen among them. Among the so-called modern educated, there is no sense of responsibility, endurance, courage, restraint, firmness of character, obedience to or loyalty toward anyone beyond their own selves, or anything similar. They are like parasites, empty vines. Their conduct and behavior give no impression that they possess anything called national character or distinctiveness. Even after occupying particularly honorable positions, they do not hesitate to commit the most despicable forms of treachery and crime. Among them, one does not find merely a few but thousands of bribe-takers, nepotists, people who solicit unjust favors, black-marketeers, smugglers, suppressors of justice and fair dealing, usurpers of the rightful rights of the public, destroyers of the destiny of an entire nation in exchange for minor personal interests, and shirkers; they roam freely throughout society. After the British departed, the responsibility of governing the state was entrusted to them. As a result, everyone feels the plight into which the country has fallen within only a few years under the influence of these characterless people. To observe the character and conduct of the young people currently acquiring knowledge under this so-called modern education system, one need only visit a student hostel, an entertainment center, or the marketplaces during a national event at any time.

Adding Religious Studies to the Former Education System

It seems that those who currently hold power over us, those in whose hands our education system lies, and who occasionally give the good news that an Islamic education system will be introduced, are also preparing to repeat the mistake. The education system introduced under the British will continue as before, and it will be enough merely to increase the amount of religious instruction somewhat. In reality, there is little more than this in the educational plan before them. That is why I am still saying what I said several years ago. In my view, there is no more serious mistake than designing an education system by combining two mutually opposed and contradictory things. These are two conflicting currents, one of which declares the other completely false. Using such a mixture can produce nothing but mental disorder.

Suppose you retain fifty percent of this mixture as religious disciplines [although at present, in educational institutions, religious instruction is not fifty percent; far from it, in some places it is nonexistent, and where it exists, it is only a sprinkling. In addition, there is coeducation, unrestricted mixing of male and female students, dancing, music, and novel-writing]. And suppose you place the remaining half on the very foundations of the education system introduced under the British. As a result, the mental environment of every student is bound to become a battlefield.

If the entire environment remains steeped in foreign ways as before, as it was under the British, and if our state is also governed according to the former policy, as it was under the British, then three classes of people will naturally emerge in our country.

One class will consist of people who will be judged God-rejecting even after studying religious instruction, because their curriculum also includes many subjects contrary to the Faith. Moreover, the entire environment of the educational institution will continue to support this rejection of God. In addition, the state environment will also prove favorable to them.

The second class will consist of people who, under the influence of religious instruction, will regard Islam as their way of life.

The third class will consist of people who will follow a path midway between disbelief and Islam—one that is neither complete disbelief nor complete Islam.

This is the natural consequence of administering the aforementioned mixture. If you put it into practice, you will see that three mutually antagonistic classes have emerged in the country, and they will be unable to cooperate wholeheartedly in fulfilling the responsibility of advancing and developing any civilization or way of life.

The question is whether the education system of any country is designed for the purpose of creating a mental and moral garbage dump.

Determining the Aim of Education

Many believe that acquiring knowledge is the purpose of education. They say that people should be educated in a completely neutral manner so that they may independently determine their opinions about the problems of personal and social life, transactions, and all kinds of mysteries through “objective study.” But here I must say that this kind of objective observation is possible only for a camera; human beings cannot do it. Behind a person’s two eyes is a brain. In every circumstance, a person has an individual perspective. A person also has a definite conception for examining and analyzing problems. Whatever people see and hear, and whatever knowledge they acquire, they absorb according to their own perspective. Their way of life is established on the basis of this mode of thought. This is what we call culture. Now, if we have our own culture, if we belong to a nation that possesses its own ideology, beliefs, philosophy of life, objectives, and mode of practical life, then we must necessarily follow such a course and make such arrangements for educating our future generations that they can preserve our civilization and culture. Not only that, they must be able to develop and enhance it while maintaining it upon its original foundations. Every nation in the world designs an independent education system for itself with this aim. I do not know the name of a single nation that has designed its education system solely on the basis of “objective study.” Nor do I know the name of any nation that has adopted another nation’s education system exactly as it was, or that has proceeded to shape its future generations according to an alien ideal without incorporating its own distinctive way of thinking into it. If we committed such folly once in the past because of weakness and helplessness, there is no reason to maintain it unchanged even now.

Eradicating the Distinction between Religion and the World

Another matter should be adopted as a basic principle of our education system, and it is the foundation upon which a single education system for our entire millat must be established: we must abolish the present distinction between religion and the world. The idea of creating a distinction between religion and the world is supported by Christian doctrine; Buddhists, Hindus, and yogic ascetics also teach it. But Islam’s conception on this matter is entirely opposite. In education, government, and civilization, there can be no greater error than recognizing a distinction between religion and politics—in other words, between religion and the world. We do not accept at all that there should be two separate education systems for us, one religious and the other material. Rather, we affirm that our entire education system should at once be regarded as religious and be capable of meeting our worldly needs.

It is worldly in the sense that we will be able to understand the world and conduct its affairs competently. On the other hand, it is religious in the sense that we will understand the world from an Islamic perspective and be able to fulfill all our duties in this regard according to the commands of religion. Islam is not a religion that will permit you to perform all your affairs according to your own wishes, after which it will suffice simply to append a few beliefs or articles of faith and acts of worship. Islam can never be satisfied with serving as an appendage to human life; it never was, and it is not willing to be so now. It wants to lead your entire life. It is prepared to play an active role as the program for your whole life. It does not speak only of the heavenly realm, disconnected from the world. Rather, it discusses all worldly matters fully and comprehensively. Islam tells you what the true mystery of this world is, for what purpose you have been sent here, what the purpose of your life is, where your true place is in this universe, what your dignity is, and how and according to what principles you must act in your earthly life in this world. It also says that this world is in fact like a field for the life hereafter. Whatever you gain in the Hereafter depends entirely on what kind of seed you sowed in this field. It clearly tells you how this field must be cultivated. It clearly tells you what your course of action should be throughout your worldly life, the fruits of which you will be able to reap in the Hereafter. How can such a religion accept that you should have one education system that is worldly and another that is religious? Or that it is enough to attach a religious appendage to a worldly education system? It wants your entire education system to be fashioned solely according to the ideals of religion.”}]},{

Maulana’s Valuable Advice on National Defense

The sound advice that Maulana, as a far-sighted statesman, gave concerning Pakistan’s national defense is immensely valuable not only for Pakistan but for every Muslim country and state. Maulana says:

“You know that the whole of Pakistan is a frontier—in other words, the borders of foreign states meet Pakistan’s borders. There is no major city that is not situated on the frontier. Therefore, every citizen must understand his responsibility and remain constantly prepared to face every danger. In these circumstances, what is extremely important is the nation’s moral morale. That is, without the nation’s moral morale, the instruments of war become meaningless. However numerous the weapons may be, they cannot compensate for a lack of moral strength or morale. Rather, in the absence of moral strength, those weapons may fall into the enemy’s hands. We do not regard moral strength as limited to enthusiasm, bravery, and the motivation to defend the country. Rather, this moral strength must be acquired throughout one’s entire life. For us to receive help from Allah, our whole lives must be subordinated to His pleasure. It is irrational for an individual or nation to remain engaged in disobedience to Allah on the one hand and seek His help on the other. A nation that does not acknowledge God at all may survive for some time even while disobeying Him, because Allah Most High has a separate provision for granting it respite. But if a nation known as a caller to the worship of God, the bearer and custodian of the Great Book revealed by Allah, and a representative of the True Religion adopts a mocking attitude toward God’s commands, no power in the world can save it from God’s punishment. Such conduct calls down curse and punishment instead of God’s mercy.”

Motivational speeches and grand slogans and declarations become meaningless when it comes to preserving moral morale. Although such words may create temporary morale, it does not last. Instead of words, we must strengthen our moral morale through practical action.

“The entire population must be instructed that, when the enemy attacks, everyone must remain steadfast wherever he may be. No attempt at flight may be made under any circumstances. They must be made to understand that they cannot escape death. When the appointed time of death arrives, one cannot save oneself from death even while inside a strong fortress. Even amid bombing on the battlefield, if the time of death has not been appointed, death will not come at all. The belief of Muslims is that it is utterly impossible to escape death. Therefore, in such circumstances, fleeing for self-preservation and attempting to save one’s children are undesirable in every respect. People should be told: where is there any safe place for us where we can flee and survive? The real matter is that wherever these cowards go, they will also break the moral morale of the people there. The enemy has ample room for self-defense. They can retreat a long distance. But there is not even a small place anywhere for us where we can flee and remain safe. Therefore, wherever we may be, we should remain firm and steadfast and be prepared for every situation.”

“Another matter of particular importance concerning national defense is that oppression, injustice, and the usurpation of others’ rights within the country must cease forever. Although such things should not be allowed in society under any circumstances, if such conduct occurs especially during wartime, it will create cracks in our fortress of self-defense and help the enemy enter the country.”

“It is common knowledge that if the impulse to defend one’s country awakens in someone, this can happen only if he feels that he lives in a country where all his rights and dignity are protected and where his hopes and aspirations can be fulfilled. But if the bitter experience of his life is that in this country neither his honour and dignity nor his individual rights are protected, then there can be no reason for any impulse to arise in him to safeguard this country. Where the people are deprived of justice, where economic injustice forces people to remain hungry, where the honour of the powerless is plundered by those in power, the people cannot develop an urge to defend their country when foreign aggression occurs. For nothing is protected that is dearer to their lives and that they consider most necessary to preserve. History has repeatedly witnessed that in such circumstances people have remained indifferent during attacks by external enemies, and often the oppressed have welcomed foreign invasion in order to see with their own eyes the destruction of those who had deprived them of all their rights. We should learn from these examples of history. Thereafter, let us preserve one another’s rights. Let complete justice be established in our country. Oppression and injustice weaken a country’s security system. A person who injures the self-respect of the people for his own personal interest in fact makes the path of the enemy’s arrival easier.”

“We believe that this land is not ours; rather, it is Islam’s ‘home’. After several centuries, we have received this opportunity to embody the ‘true religion’ in its genuine form and testify to its truth before the world. This is a great gift for us, and we are prepared to preserve it at any cost. We wish to create in every Muslim’s heart an inclination to revere this gift. We want to instil firmly in everyone’s mind the idea that he will not shrink from making any sacrifice to preserve this gift. Remember: giving one’s life for God and His religion is many times better than sacrificing one’s life to protect one’s homes, wealth and honour. There is no doubt that giving one’s life with this inspiration—martyrdom—is the highest form of self-sacrifice.”

The Economic System

Equal Rights in Economic Endeavour

From the Islamic point of view, Allah created the earth and everything in it for human beings. Therefore, the effort to earn one’s livelihood from this earth is a natural right of human beings. All people are equal partners in this right. No one may be deprived of it, nor may anyone receive preference over another in this matter. From the perspective of Islamic Shariah, no rule may be imposed upon any individual, lineage or class stating that he shall have no right to use some of the means of livelihood or that the path to adopting a particular profession shall be closed to him. Similarly, according to the Shariah, no distinction may be made whereby the means of livelihood or the doors of wealth become the monopoly of a particular class, lineage or family. Everyone has an equal right to strive to obtain his due from the means and resources created by Him in the earth created by God, and this path is equally open to all.

(The Fundamental Principles of Islamic Economics)

Economic Problems and Islam

Islam regards hoarding wealth beyond one’s needs as reprehensible. Its demand is that whatever wealth you possess should either be spent to meet your needs or given to others so that they may spend it on theirs. In this way, all wealth will circulate throughout society. But if this is not done and wealth is deliberately accumulated, two and a half percent of the accumulated wealth must be taken from it and given to those who are unable to earn a livelihood or who cannot meet their needs despite striving to earn one. This is the ‘zakat system’. The method of administering zakat recommended by Islam is that it should be deposited in the public treasury, from which the needs of all the destitute will be met. In reality, this is the best method of financial security for society, and it eradicates the disorder caused by the absence of any sound system for distributing social assistance.

Detailed regulations concerning all this are given in the Qur’an and Hadith. In his book The Reality of Zakat, Maulana has discussed these matters rationally and engagingly.

Maulana says:

“The Bayt al-Mal is always present as your helper, so you have no reason to worry. If you are needy, seek the assistance of the Bayt al-Mal and claim your due. After that, there is no need for bank drafts or insurance policies. Leave this world with a tranquil heart, leaving behind your children and family. The public treasury is responsible for their maintenance after your death. In old age and every kind of hardship and calamity, the Bayt al-Mal is always your helper, to which you can turn for assistance. A capitalist will not be able to force you to work for him on his terms. As long as the Bayt al-Mal exists, there can be no fear of living helplessly, hungry and unclothed. [Economic Problems and Their Solution (Urdu), pp. 40, 43]”

After making a detailed analysis of economics, Maulana wrote two valuable books entitled Interest and Islam and Modern Economic Doctrines. These two are authoritative and valuable works on economics.

In Interest, after a detailed discussion of interest-based economics and interest-free Islamic economics, he proved that Islamic economics is the only beneficial economic system for humanity.

In the second book, he comparatively discussed capitalism, communism and Islam and proved the hollowness of the first two systems. He highlighted the defects and shortcomings of the feudal landholding system, the European Renaissance, medieval liberalism, the Industrial Revolution and modern liberalism. He then presented an Islamic solution to modern economic problems.

Maulana Maududi in the Eyes of Others

Many scholars and intellectuals have commented on Maulana Sayyid Abul A‘la Maududi, and those close to him have expressed observations that are highly instructive and worthy of emulation. Some of these are given below:

Begum Maududi

Mr. Maududi is an ordinary human being. But considering the excellence in Qur’anic and Prophetic character that Allah has bestowed upon him, it may be said without hesitation that all his actions conform to the Qur’an.

“I was astray. Mr. Maududi appeared before me as a guide to the Straight Path. He was silent, but his conduct itself continually inspired me toward the true path. If he had spoken up, obstructed me in every action and pointed out what I should do in every matter, then, far from reforming me, I might not even have been able to live with him. But he never did that. This was his scientific method of propagating Islam, which he had learned from the Holy Qur’an.”

“He was farsighted, patient and affectionate. I do not remember whether during the past fifteen or twenty years he ever issued me a stern command concerning enjoining the right and forbidding the wrong. The sweetness of his character is such that merely remaining in his company for some time makes one pleasing to him.”

“Mr. Maududi gives greater attention to spiritual reform than to outward correction. Once he came from somewhere and lay down with an exhausted body. At that time a visitor wished to meet him. I said that he had fallen asleep. Hearing this, Mr. Maududi merely said, ‘You have told a lie?’”

“Once we were all sitting together to eat. I was telling my eldest son, ‘Son, pray, otherwise people will say that Mr. Maududi’s son does not pray.’”

“He said, ‘Listen, son: when you pray, pray only for Allah, not for your father.’”

“I have never seen anyone so affectionate toward his children. Whenever he came home, he called each of them by name. We had a horse carriage at Darul Islam. He himself would take me and the boys out for a ride before evening. He never sent them anywhere with anyone else, lest one of them should suddenly fall from the carriage. Once, for some reason, he sent the boys to Pathankot with the coachman. He then went for a walk by the river. Returning from the riverside before Maghrib, he learned that the boys had not yet returned. He did not enter the house then, but sat outside for hours. Only after the boys returned did he take them inside.”

“Mr. Maududi was orphaned of his father at the age of seventeen. By Allah’s grace, his mother is still alive.” [After Begum Maududi made the above statement, Maulana Maududi’s mother passed away in 1957.]

“He served his mother to such an extent that such a son is truly rare. If something his mother did was displeasing to him, he remained silent. He never expressed any annoyance. Even if she said something unpleasant to him, he would not look at his mother’s face. He remained ready every moment to serve her.”

“My ancestors came from Bukhara to Delhi during the reign of Emperor Shah Jahan. Since then, having lived in Delhi for generations, we became accustomed to urban life. After Maulana Maududi came from Hyderabad to Darul Islam, a new chapter of my life began.”

“The settlement of Darul Islam began with only three families, including ours. The houses were simple village dwellings. There was neither electric light nor a water tap there, nor any of the other conveniences and resources of life. This was the initial stage of patience in my life.”

“Once there was no firewood in our house. Maulana had breakfast in the morning and left for the office. I sat thinking about what to do. At that moment Maulana came inside and said, ‘What is the matter? Why are you sitting so quietly?’”

“I said, ‘There is no firewood, and the cook is sitting idle.’ He said, ‘Have you become so impatient over this little thing?’ Saying this, he took an axe and left the house. Some pieces of wood were lying outside. He began splitting them with his own hands. After he had struck them once or twice with the axe, people came running from all directions, and within a short time there was a pile of firewood.”

“One day, for some reason, the water carrier did not bring water. It was terribly hot that day as well. I sat with my hands on my head. When Maulana learned of it, he went to the well with two buckets and began drawing water and filling the buckets with his own hands. Seeing this, people immediately filled the house with water.” [Begum Maududi, Mahmuda Khatun, passed away on 4 April 2003.]

Mahirul Qadiri

The famous poet and writer of Pakistan and India and editor of the monthly magazine Farān, Mr. Mahirul Qadiri, says:

“I hold Maulana in great respect. I believe that, in the present age, there are few comparable to him in the service of the religion that he renders through his writing and speeches. Indeed, there is no equal to him even in the Arab countries.”

Commenting on Maulana, he said:

“He is the greatest thinker in the Islamic world. He initiated genuine Islamic research among Muslims and brought about a change in people’s thought. He is an interpreter of the Qur’an and Sunnah, a supporter of truth, the embodiment of truthfulness, a giver of form to the indistinct images of Islamic tradition, and a devoted servant of Allah’s religion, whose words and deeds may be fully trusted. He dedicated his entire youth to the work of the religion, and through his thought, research, labour and spiritual striving became old before his time. For a quarter of a century, his words and writings have been calling to the truth. He is such a great scholar that he can simultaneously discuss in a research-based manner the Qur’an and Hadith, jurisprudence, theology, philosophy, history, economics, constitutional government and politics. He is an emperor of reason and an ocean of knowledge. He is familiar not only with Eastern thought but also with Western thought, which he has examined and tested. He calls people to establish a relationship with Allah and to obey the Messenger. The four walls of Multan Jail and the dark death cell of Lahore Fort could not silence his movement; the fatwas of unbelief could not silence his voice. He examines every word and deed on the touchstone of the Qur’an and Sunnah, and whatever is revealed by that touchstone, even when it concerns the greatest scholar, he publishes without fear. Establishing the religion is his mission, calling to the truth is his programme, and Allah’s pleasure is his goal. He is neither frightened nor anxious at the world’s anger over proclaiming the truth, nor does he fear the loss of his reputation. Though the ignorant and inexperienced have levelled various accusations against him, he has patiently ignored them all. His pen has enriched and purified Urdu literature and remains an invaluable contribution to the Urdu language. He is an innovator of a novel style of expression in speech; while he speaks, it seems as though a storm wind and flashes of lightning are bursting from a brooding sky. In his name, Qadianism trembles and those who reject Hadith begin to choke. He is a supporter of the Sunnah and an uprooter of polytheism and religious innovations. Despite his learning, eminence and extraordinary renown, he can mix with ordinary people without affectation, with simplicity and sweet speech, as though there were no difference between him and others. He is not merely a scholar, thinker, orator and author; rather, he is such a mujahid man that even hearing a death sentence produces no visible reaction in him. He was not created by history; he created history.”

Bashir al-Ibrahimi

The Algerian national leader and president of the Association of Algerian Muslim Scholars, Allama Muhammad al-Bashir al-Ibrahimi, said:

“I have seen very few people like him (Sayyid Abul A‘la Maududi). In particular, I have seen very few people with his personality and qualities, a man who occupies a distinguished position among the scholars. Among his qualities, a special one is that he is unwavering upon the truth, patient on the path of truth and—far from flattering the ruling class—opposed even to seeking their assistance.”

“Among those whom I have seen and about whom I have learned in Pakistan and India, he possesses the greatest knowledge of the facts of Islamic Shariah and Islamic history. His study is extraordinarily broad and deep. He possesses subtle understanding, the highest intellect, clear thinking and profound knowledge.”

“Maulana Maududi has acquired considerable knowledge of modern science and civilization. He judges everyone on the touchstone of justice.”

“Last month, considerable unrest arose in Pakistan, and some killings also occurred. Since the Arab newspapers did not provide any detailed report about it, I could not understand its cause and hidden reality. However, my clear understanding is that the demand for an Islamic constitution was the fundamental cause of all this. Perhaps, observing the growing influence of Maulana Maududi and his colleagues in the country, the government imprisoned most of his colleagues. Then martial law was imposed in Lahore and all authority was entrusted to the military. A military court sentenced Maulana to death. Later I learned that the death sentence was annulled and an order was issued for fourteen years of rigorous imprisonment. Pakistan’s Muslims became enraged at this decision of tyranny, and a mighty storm of protests and processions arose against the government. There is no doubt that the death sentence was remitted as a result of the protests throughout the country.”

“Meanwhile, protests also arose from the well-organized Islamic institutions and associations of Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Kuwait and other places, and strong dissatisfaction was expressed toward the Government of Pakistan. I learned the truth of these reports while I was in Kuwait. Because of my association with these institutions and the mutual respect between them and the Association of Scholars, I too became agitated and distressed. For Maulana Maududi’s personality is not confined to any particular region. Rather, his personality is worthy of being followed by the Muslim world. One of the rights he has over us is that when the government sentenced him to rigorous imprisonment instead of death, it became our duty to campaign for his release. …”

“For the campaign of jihad in the path of Allah that Maulana Maududi has begun, it is sufficient recompense in this world that the Muslims of the world have united to help and support him. A greater and everlasting reward is stored for him with Allah.”

Dr. Muhammad Ataur Rahman Nadwi

‘This is the very colouring of Ibn Taymiyyah.’

Fifteen years ago, I heard these few words from a pious person’s lips. The scene in which I heard those deeply moving words remains preserved exactly before my eyes. It seems that I can still see that face, and those moving words continue to resound in my ears even today.

I think it best to tell the whole story openly.

From 1930 to 1934, I was studying at the Calcutta Alia Madrasa. In 1935, I enrolled at Darul Uloom Nadwatul Ulama in Lucknow. During this period, I had the opportunity to see Tarjuman al-Qur’an. My state of mind became such that reading Tarjuman al-Qur’an became a natural desire of mine.

During the summer vacation, when I went home (Mauza-Paharpur Bazar, Post Office Baro Haria, Saran), I took Tarjuman al-Qur’an with me. Then, with great eagerness, I raised the subject of the magazine with my respected father. He expressed interest in seeing it.

My father, Mr. Maulana Mufti Muhammad Jamil Ansari (may Allah have mercy on him), was a sincere scholar of the religion. He spent his entire life teaching. He was not merely a professor; he was also a mufti. From 1917 to 1941, he was a professor at the Calcutta Alia Madrasa and its mufti of the Dar al-Ifta.

“I presented to my father all the issues of Tarjuman al-Qur’an that I had. On seeing them, his first comment was this: ‘My boy, all this is found in the Qur’an and Sunnah. Now it only needs to be practised. Ordinarily, English-educated people write about these matters in their newspapers and periodicals, but they themselves do not follow them.’”

“When I came home during the vacation of 1936, I brought my father the newly published issue of Tarjuman al-Qur’an. He read it very attentively and exclaimed in an excited voice, ‘I had a greatly mistaken notion. This man (Maududi) is not merely educated in English; he is also a great scholar of Arabic. By the way, how old is he?’”

I said, ‘Very probably thirty or thirty-two.’

He said in amazement, ‘Such learning and ability at so young an age? One is astonished when reading his magazine.’

“I informed Maulana Maududi of everything. He had then come to Pathankot. Maulana sent, along with a reply, such books as Political Kashmakash and Deeniyat. My venerable late father read these books repeatedly and said, ‘I had a mistaken notion about this man. May Allah forgive me. He is so exactly in the mould of Allama Ibn Taymiyyah. It is astonishing that at a time when truly gifted people are rare, especially in this India, how did such a person appear? When he begins implementing his ideals, fierce opposition will begin against him. For this is how sincere and truth-oriented people are treated in the world. It is even possible that he will be martyred.’”

From that time, Tarjuman al-Qur’an began arriving regularly at the address of the Ansari Kutubkhana, Paharpur Bazar. When my father came home from Calcutta on vacation, he would read it attentively in his spare time. Finally, when Maulana Maududi began hinting in the editorial of Tarjuman al-Qur’an at the need to form an idealistic group, my venerable father said:

‘If this group is formed, I will be its first member.’

But it is a matter of profound sorrow that my father passed away—may Allah have mercy on him—only ten days before the establishment of that group (Jamaat-e-Islami), on 16 August 1941.

At that time, Allama Sayyid Sulaiman Nadwi proclaimed the great personality of Maulana Maududi at a large public meeting.

At the end of December 1940, the “Nadwi Conference” of the former students of Darul Uloom was held. I had received my certificate from Nadwa’s Darul Uloom in 1939. Therefore, I too went to Lucknow to attend the “Nadwi Conference.” What particularly inspired me to attend this conference was that Maulana Maududi was also expected to come to Lucknow at precisely that time. Like me, the other former students of Nadwa were also especially eager to converse with the Maulana. After the conference, Maulana Maududi came to the guesthouse of Nadwa. All the teachers and former students began conversations and discussions with him. The authorities of Nadwa requested Maulana Maududi to deliver a speech before the distinguished persons and students. The Lucknow gathering had been organized by Lucknow University and Nadwa’s student organizations. Maulana Maududi delivered a speech on the “new educational system” in his distinctive style. Maulana Abdul Majed Daryabadi presided, and Allama Sayyid Sulaiman Nadwi introduced the Maulana. What Sayyid Sahib said, and the manner in which he introduced the Maulana, still resounds in my ears today. He said—

I stand before you to introduce a young man who is nevertheless an ocean of knowledge. Today the entire learned world has come to know Maulana Maududi. He is a spokesman for Islam in the present age and a great scholar of the Faith. Allah Most High has entrusted to these sacred hands the responsibility of building resistance against the powerful flood of religious apostasy and atheism that has come from Europe and reached as far as India. He has acquired extensive knowledge of the ancient and modern thought of Europe. Not only that, he possesses such profound knowledge of the Qur’an and Sunnah that, on this basis, he can present satisfactory solutions to all the problems of the present age. That is why even prominent atheists and rebels against God have submitted before his incontrovertible arguments and reasoning. It may be stated clearly and without hesitation that the Muslims of India and the Islamic world may expect great things from Maulana Maududi concerning the Faith.

Agha Suresh Kashmiri

Maulana Maududi is the only person who has shown Pakistan’s intellectual genius the highway of knowledge.

At a time when our Islamic way of thought had been abandoned in the fetters of two hundred years of subjugation, he alone presented Islam as a complete philosophy of life.

His movement is a force capable of resisting the modern European outlook.

His thought contains so much vitality from Islam that the new generation of young people of the present age may be moved to accept it wholeheartedly.

The country’s ever-changing system of government may, by force of law, suppress the country’s outward physical revolution for a while. But it has neither the power nor the weapons to suppress a mental revolution. Whether knowingly, unknowingly, or for certain particular reasons, our society has created a mental revolution against Islam. If anyone has the ability to halt its advance, it is only Maulana Maududi and his ideologically based party.

Maulana Abdul Majed Daryabadi

There is no need to introduce the editor of Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an to the readers. His broad outlook and his immense religious service have been discussed repeatedly in the pages of Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an. To resist the unrest and disorder of the present age, Allah Most High has especially broadened and opened his breast. Every line he has written is like nectar for the modern educated. In this regard, the Maulana holds a very high position among the scholars. He is, in reality, the thoughtful man of the community.

Maulana Manazir Ahsan Gilani

I have always had confidence in the sound nature, sound reasoning, and deep insight of Maulana Sayyid Abul A‘la Maududi Sahib. His conduct and character are God-given. His view of problems is subtle, profound, and all-encompassing. His analysis is so thorough that no room remains for doubt on any matter. His method of work is captivating, and his explanations and analyses are engaging. In addition, I have repeatedly testified to his noble character. I myself, this humble one, accompanied by Maulana Abdul Bari, requested the Maulana to accept a teaching position at the University of Osmaniya. But despite his extremely pitiable financial condition, he contentedly declined our request. I had no audacity to say much about one whose soul was so vast and rich, who was reflective and thoughtful, and who, as an essayist, possessed God-given qualities and distinctions. But I wish to say this much: Allah Most High has showered extraordinary grace upon Maulana Maududi. I see his heart illumined by the radiance of faith. His heart has been enriched with profound reverence and confidence in the Prophet Muhammad Mustafa (peace be upon him). In addition, he has been adorned with many other qualifications. If, with all these literary abilities and the strength of his mind and faith, he rises to make the call to Allah’s path his life’s objective, and if this work is carried on for some time in Urdu, English, Hindi, and other languages, then perhaps people will not accept it immediately, but the sparks of the questions to which Islam provides natural answers will at least be kindled in their minds.

Maulana Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi

His method of writing, incontrovertible arguments, fundamental and basic method of discussion, and, above all, his sound way of thinking were extremely suited to our nature and mentality. It seemed that his God-given power of writing was the spokesman for our mute genius and taste. The day when, sitting with several friends in the guesthouse adjoining the mosque of Nadwa’s Darul Uloom, we were reading the editorial article of Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an for Muharram 1356 AH, in which a cataclysm had been foretold—that day can never be forgotten. It was such an inspiring article by the Maulana that its echo could be heard for many days. We all praised, from the depths of our hearts, the Maulana’s discernment, insight, pointing out of the crisis, and extraordinary writing ability. Thereafter, we would read with delight the articles by the Maulana as they were published.

Maulana Muhammad Manzur No‘mani

What seemed most important to me in the work of Maulana Maududi and the Jamaat-e-Islami was this: thousands of young men, influenced by Western education and the atheistic environment of educational institutions, had become doubtful of Islam and had either completely abandoned it or were on the verge of doing so. The Maulana’s articles and the activities of the Jamaat-e-Islami not only brought them back to Islam, but also brought about such an Islamic revolution in their practical lives that it was an instructive matter even for many hereditary religious people.

Professor Alfred Smith

Maulana Maududi has exerted a tremendous influence on Islamic thought in the present age, and his party is one of the manifest forces in Pakistan. The literature produced by this movement is immense and extensive. Most of this literature is in Urdu. Nevertheless, its Arabic and English translations are increasing day by day. Maududi Sahib’s distinctive characteristic is that he has presented his own thought gradually and with great consistency as a correct and attractive way of life. Maududi Sahib appears to be a thoughtful man concerning Islam in the modern age, approaching it in an organized and ideal-based manner. He has brought balance to the modern tendency to cast Islam into the mold of a system of governance and discipline. He was the first person to present Islamic laws as a clear and effective system for the modern age. He presented Islam as a way of life that, many centuries ago, had already gathered solutions to all human problems of all future ages. For him, Islam is not a religion that creates a new nuisance each morning by giving people new divine knowledge to solve their problems. The system of thought that he gradually strengthened has its source in the early period of Islam, from which the fundamental foundations of this system-building were gathered. At the same time, he also made ample use of modern outlooks and ways of thinking.

The truth is that, during the period of Pakistan’s intellectual and political disorder, he influenced the intellectuals and a considerable section of the general public. In the powerful storm of moral decline, he displayed unparalleled devotion and self-sacrifice for the goal he had set for himself.

I consider Maulana Maududi Sahib a great and magnificent person. Few such people are born. But today he has become so great that I had never before considered him so great. I could never have imagined that Allah Most High had created such good fortune for him that one day he would be sentenced to death in the path of the Faith. Allah chose him from among thousands and granted him such a lofty position.”

Raja Jaganfar Ali Khan

From 1939 to 1949, I studied at Islamia College, Lahore. During that time, Maulana Sayyid Abul A‘la Maududi came every Sunday to Habibia Hall to deliver lectures on Islamic Studies. Friday was the college’s weekly holiday. But on Sundays, sports and other social events were held during the day. The Maulana’s lecture was also held that day. Everyone at the college attended his lecture class.

This was a time when the Maulana’s black beard adorned his milk-and-alta-colored face. He wore a black cap, a dark-brown sherwani and white pajamas, and blue spectacles. The Maulana was then in his youth. But I never saw any harshness or emotionalism in his nature. His manner of speaking was highly courteous, and whatever he said was very logical.

The boys who attended his class would bring paper and pencils with them. When the lecture ended, they would write questions on slips of paper. The Maulana would answer them beautifully.

At that time, the students were particularly influenced by the Khaksar Movement. Until before 1940, I was, so to speak, a worker of the Khaksar Movement. When I asked questions about the movement and its leader, I could not be attracted to the Maulana because the answers he gave did not satisfy me. I did not feel the need to read his literature either. At that time, the Khaksar Movement and its mouthpiece, Al-Islah, had created a stir throughout the country. This movement had deeply influenced our minds and intellects.

At the All-India Muslim League session held in Lahore on 23 March 1940, I was drawn to the personality of the late Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. His vigorous role, firmness of character, honesty, and complete devotion in his activities drew me from the Khaksar Movement into the Muslim League.

In the third phase of my life, I became enamored of “progressive” literature. During this period, I studied the books and writings of Marx, Lenin, and Stalin. I then became attracted to the adherents of this ideology. Despite this, I remained connected with a religious family. But the social environment drew me toward communism. I would often argue and debate with my late father at home. I had become trapped in such a web of jahiliyyah that, may Allah forgive me, my late father stopped speaking to me.

Pakistan had not yet come into being. On that day, my late father gave me Maulana Maududi’s English book Towards Understanding Islam to read. I read the book. Then I read it again. The effect the book had on me was that the darkness of misguidance that had accumulated over my mind and intellect disappeared. The Maulana’s incontrovertible arguments and manner of exposition were deeply moving, and as a result I began reading his other works as well.

After Pakistan came into being, the Maulana would hold afternoon gatherings in the small, green, grass-covered garden in front of his house in Ichhra. I would go and sit there. At that time, the crowd was not very large. I would put all sorts of foolish and irrelevant questions to the Maulana. He did not take offense at them. He answered every question in a calm, composed, and gentle manner. Even when faced with inappropriate questions, no sign of annoyance or anger ever appeared on his face. I would freely tell the Maulana the questions that arose in my mind after reading Tulu-e-Islam. The Maulana would refute erroneous questions with the sharpened weapon of reason. His manner of answering was such that the questioner could not help being influenced.

If someone like me could abandon communism and become attracted to Islam solely on the basis of reason, then surely many others must have done likewise—people who, certainly under the influence of the Maulana’s literature, adopted the right path, or at the very least did not depart from the ideology into which they had been born. This is a special characteristic of the Maulana. Personally, I have never seen anyone comparable to the Maulana in the depth of his knowledge. For this reason, I will most certainly call him the Mujaddid of this age.

If someone asks me who the famous figures are in my estimation, I would say: only three—Allama Iqbal, Quaid-e-Azam, and Maulana Maududi.

A. K. Brohi

A person’s most valuable assets are his character and role. If it is possible to transform a person’s character and role and bring about some significant change in him, then the one who performs this task is the architect or builder of that person’s life. From this perspective, in my opinion, the greatest personality in Pakistan today is Maulana Maududi.

I acknowledge the truth of this statement: if the question is asked who has influenced the character and role of the people of Pakistan the most, my answer will be Maulana Maududi. I have a firm conviction that what I say today, I will say tomorrow as well. And if Allah Almighty wishes to accept my testimony in the Hereafter, then on that day too I will give the same testimony that I am giving today.

Sharifuddin Pirzada

Among those who envisioned Pakistan, Maulana Maududi was one of the foremost. The plans and proposals that he and others put forward on this subject served as a guide in the struggle for Pakistan. The three alternative proposals that Maulana Maududi presented for a separate Muslim state were published in the October and December 1938 issues of Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an. I remember well that, during the conduct of the Pakistan Movement, the students of Aligarh University regularly carried copies of Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an along with other literature and read out page after page from it to refute the arguments of the standard-bearers of one-nation theory.

Maulana Amir Usmani, Deoband

Maulana Maududi is the only person whose God-given genius, writing ability, clear understanding of the Faith, unparalleled devotion, and sincerity have produced, not only in Pakistan but throughout the Muslim world, such a vast treasury of literature that, in acknowledging it, one must say that the seven kingdoms are insignificant by comparison with this literary treasury. I believe that every page of the literature he authored is equivalent to a jewel.

Maulana Abdul Quddus Bihari

I appeal to my Muslim brothers, the scholars, society, intellectuals, and the distinguished people of the nation, in the name of God and the Messenger, not to waste a moment in saving such an unparalleled Islamic thinker, unique literary figure, and national asset, but to immediately continue the struggle through all possible constitutional means.

The testimony of Maulana Abdul Quddus Bihari

It is repeatedly alleged through the newspapers that Allama Maududi and Jamaat-e-Islami opposed the establishment of Pakistan. I have been ill for quite some time. Moreover, my means and resources are limited. Nevertheless, I had hoped that the scholars who stand for the truth would present the truth to the people. But I see that, for some reason, even the voice of truth has been silenced. That is why I am undertaking this responsibility. As the founder of Jamiat Ulama-e-Islam and a former Muslim Leaguer, I consider it the indispensable duty of Jamiat Ulama-e-Islam and every Muslim Leaguer to speak on this matter. Indeed, holding myself accountable before God and the Messenger (peace and blessings be upon him) for presenting this truth, I state unequivocally that Allama Maududi never opposed the establishment of Pakistan. Rather, the actual matter is that when the late Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani and Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind, in supporting the Congress, declared that a nation is formed on the basis of homeland, Allama Maududi said that a nation is formed on the basis of religion, not on the basis of a country or homeland. He produced powerful literature establishing Islamic nationality. In response to the Congress-aligned Jamiat and to oppose it, Hazrat Allama Shabbir Ahmad Usmani established Jamiat Ulama-e-Islam in Calcutta. Allama Shabbir Ahmad Usmani called Allama Maududi the sword of Islam and strongly protested his first arrest. In fact, Allama Shabbir Ahmad Usmani and Jamaat-e-Islami formed public opinion in favor of the referendum, as a result of which the North-West Frontier Province and Sylhet became part of Pakistan. It should be noted that Allama Maududi never opposed the establishment of Pakistan or an Islamic state. The mistaken impression arose because Hazrat Allama Maududi expressed suspicion that certain Muslim League leaders would create obstacles in the implementation of Islamic law. Evidence of this can still be seen in the fact that even after the past twenty-five years, Islamic law has not been enacted. He cannot be accused of opposing an Islamic state merely because he harbored suspicions about the leaders. Then there is the allegation that he opposed the Quaid-e-Azam. Allama Maududi never did so. He did, of course, repeatedly demanded the establishment of Islamic law. He authored priceless literature and numerous books on Islam. The nation is grateful to him for this.

Maulana Zafar Ahmad Ansari

Maulana Zafar Ahmad Ansari, Joint Secretary of the All-India Muslim League of undivided India, said:

I first met Maulana Maududi in Allahabad in 1938. Jamaat-e-Islami had not yet been established. The Maulana stayed at the house of Dr. Nazir Ali Zaidi. Whenever he came to Allahabad, he would stay there. The second meeting took place in 1941, also in Allahabad, at a gathering held at the house of Hakim Khalid Sahib in Hardaganj. He also delivered a lecture at Islamia College there. I was attracted by the Maulana’s profound scholarship.

After some time, I had to move to Delhi. Whenever the Maulana came to Delhi, I would certainly meet him. He would stay at his in-laws’ house. On one occasion, he also stayed at Chaudhry Muhammad Ali’s residence. He would come to my home as well, and we would converse for hours on end. Even before Pakistan came into being, the volumes of Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an were adorning the shelves of the Quaid-e-Azam’s library.

After Pakistan came into being, the Maulana visited my home several times. It is not correct to say that the Maulana never accepted anyone else’s proposals or advice. My personal experience is that he would accept a matter of principle. I have a bad reputation that, after meeting with me, the Maulana would sometimes change a decision of the Jamaat. The Maulana listened attentively to everything. If a sound argument was presented, he would accept it immediately.

The Maulana’s personality was extraordinarily great. Facing criticism with boundless patience and a smiling face was one of his outstanding qualities. It is as clear as daylight that he remained steadfast and unwavering in the path he regarded as correct for the spread and elevation of Islam.

Dr. Ibrahim Agha

Professor Dr. Ibrahim of Ankara University, Turkey, says—

Syed Abul A’la Maududi was a great scholar. He was such a great scholar that his words are understood and his opinions accepted throughout the world. In Turkey too, Maulana Maududi is one of the universally recognized authors. Several of his works have been translated into Turkish.

I did not have the opportunity to meet Maulana Maududi. Yet I meet him through his books. The vitality he created through his dynamic personality is exerting a tremendous influence on the present age and will continue to exert an even greater influence in the future.

Yasin Umar

Yasin Umar, member of the Sudan National Assembly, says—

Syed Abul A’la Maududi began the movement for Islamic revival. In the modern age, he was the first person to challenge Western doctrines and thought. He made it clear on the touchstone of reason that Western thought is harmful to humanity. He confronted Western civilization and engaged others in confronting it as well. He began this great work in the realm of thought. In a new style of exposition, he brought forth such a picture of Islamic doctrine and outlook that those Muslims who had turned away from Islam because they could not confront Western thought changed their thinking, while those who had been caught in hesitation and doubt also returned to Islam. Maulana Maududi’s literature created firm conviction among them and produced among Muslims a thunder-hard resolve for Islam. ….. Syed Abul A’la Maududi informed the Muslim youth not only of Pakistan and Asia but also of Africa and the entire world about their true identity. He united the Muslim youth of the world around Islam and made Islam the purpose of their lives.

Before speaking of how high Syed Maududi’s place in history is, I would like to relate my personal experience: before studying his literature, I was an advocate of communism. I took pleasure in identifying myself as a communist and socialist. It was solely Syed Maududi’s literature that drew me from following communism into the light of Islam.

I would call Syed Maududi a great man. But I feel that this word is inadequate to describe his greatness. Syed Maududi is a man who has changed the course of history; today he is a maker of history. His sharp pen has defeated Western civilization, thought, and culture. In fact, such a revolution has taken place that the Muslim youth have begun to proclaim themselves ‘Islamic’ instead of calling themselves ‘Eastern and Western.’ This must be called a great change, and with the passage of time its influence will spread throughout the world.

Dr. Sirajul Haq (Bangladesh)

The place of Maulana Syed Abul A’la Maududi’s vast knowledge and scholarship is exceedingly high—so high that it cannot be properly estimated merely by saying so. The impact of the intellectual research he undertook will endure for several generations and for centuries to come. …. Maulana Maududi is the only person who, once he takes up his pen on a subject, leaves nothing more to be said. Whenever he went to Dhaka, I would meet him, and I would meet him when I came here as well. Once I met him in this city of Rawalpindi in circumstances I will never forget. He was once invited to the I DO NOT AGREE CLUB in Pindi. I too had been invited. Through his speech, the Maulana attracted and influenced everyone. His reasoned discussion contained such new illumination that no one could possibly stand before it.

Syed Maududi influenced the history of his age during his own lifetime. His influence will also remain over whatever happens in the future. Indeed, with the passage of time, his influence will grow stronger. Thereafter, the number of those who follow in his footsteps will continue to increase, and he will be regarded with ever greater respect. He is everyone’s ‘beloved’ and will remain everyone’s ‘beloved.’ [The I DO NOT AGREE CLUB was a special club for prominent CSP officers and high-ranking government officials. —Author.]

Maududi’s Letters

Maulana Syed Abul A’la Maududi was a revolutionary Islamic leader of the twentieth century. Throughout his life, on the path of the movement, he had to face countless obstacles, ridicule and criticism, persecution and oppression. At different times and in various circumstances, he had to express his thoughts to different people through letters. The writer’s personality, his true character, ideals, and way of thinking are revealed through his letters. Included here are some of his letters written at different times, through which emerge his philosophy of life, the ideals and goals of his life, true Islamic thought, the qualities and working methods of the Islamic movement, and an attitude of tolerance toward the enemies of the Islamic social order. I hope these letters will also serve as a beacon of light in the lives of readers.

[1]

To Mr. Abdus Sattar.

Pathankot, Punjab.

7 June 1941

My respected—

Peace and the mercy of Allah be upon you.

I had gone to Srinagar. Upon returning, I received your letter. I am a descendant of Hazrat Qutbuddin Maudud Chishti (may Allah have mercy on him). For this reason I write Maududi after my name. This is not an act of self-advertisement, nor is it intended to derive any benefit thereby. Allah has divided humankind into various tribes and lineages so that they may know one another and preserve their distinct identities. Therefore, I simply disclose the lineage into which I was born.

You may accuse me of saying that ‘Maududi’ is not the name of a doctrine or a religious community.

You have not mentioned which of my statements led you to form the impression that I hold a bad opinion of the elders of the faith. Nor have you explained what opinion it is necessary to hold regarding the elders of the faith. If you would kindly shed some light on these two matters, I can present my position. I could not understand from your letter what offense I have been made guilty of. I rather suspect that you did not read my article at all with a calm and composed mind. It has become a general rule that if someone finds something in an article contrary to his taste, he begins to view the entire article with hatred and suspicion. Thereafter, he has no opportunity to think calmly about what the writer is saying.

Perhaps you do not know that I was born into a lineage in which the tradition of bay’ah and initiation had continued for a thousand years. I had the opportunity to study all its good and bad aspects at first hand. I did not observe these matters with the hostile attitude of an outsider; rather, naturally, my outlook toward them was extremely sympathetic. If, thereafter, I reach the conclusion that, like other Islamic institutions, this institution has become distorted and requires considerable reform, this will not be regarded as the opinion of an external enemy, but as the opinion of a friend of the household, expressed solely for the sake of truth. If serving the truth had not been my objective, I could easily have taken possession of my hereditary seat and sat there, establishing gatherings of pirs and disciples, and seeing many dignitaries who kissed hands and feet and offered gifts crowd around me.

Your servant, Khaksar

Abul A’la.

[2]

To Hakim Muhammad Sharif of Hafizabad.

New Central Jail

Multan.

17 March 1949

My respected,

Peace and the mercy of Allah be upon you.

…… Do not worry about my health. The truth is that I have not been blessed with health such as I have now for many years. My body weight has increased, my appetite has increased, and I sleep so well that I have not slept this well in the past fifteen years. I am able to undertake much more physical and mental exertion than before and feel very little fatigue. The reason is that today there is no one in the world happier than I am. I have no worries about my sons, daughters, and relatives, because I have entrusted them to God. I have no worries about the nation, because in this matter the present government has taken upon its own shoulders whatever responsibility God had placed upon me. I have no worries about the Jamaat and the Islamic da’wah either, because as soon as I was arrested I was relieved of responsibility. Along with this, I have complete confidence that my imprisonment will benefit the Jamaat rather than harm it. Now think for yourself: who could be happier than I?

Your servant, Khaksar

Abul A’la

[3]

To Hakim Muhammad Sharif of Hafizabad.

New Central Jail, Multan

22 April 1949

My respected,

Peace and the mercy of Allah be upon you.

The sorrow you expressed over the extension of my prison term is a sign of your sincere love for me. But remember one thing as a matter of principle: God does not treat badly the person who maintains a good relationship with God and His creation and works for the welfare of His creation in God’s path. What outwardly appears harmful to him, I have gained by God’s grace. This is not merely an optimistic notion, but a great truth. In the path of the reform and correction for which I am working, the obstacle was not a rocky mountain. Rather, it was heaps of filth and refuse reaching to the sky. I had begun the work of clearing away the filth and refuse solely for God’s pleasure. While doing this work, I patiently endured the filth that splashed onto me. But my God did not wish to make me perform the work of a scavenger. Therefore, He has brought me to a secluded place of peace. Now the filth is being thrown back upon those whose filth it is. … This work is still incomplete. When it is complete, you will find me among you.

Your servant, Khaksar

Abul A’la

[4]

To Syed Abul Khair Maududi.

New Central Jail, Multan

23 November 1949

Dear brother

Peace and the mercy of Allah be upon you.

From my lifelong study I can say that those forces that seek shelter inside a fortress can never remain alive in this world. For to flee from competition in the open field and hide inside a fortress is a sign of cowardice, and Allah did not create this world for cowards to rule. My studies also tell me that the wooden pot of such moral cowards—whose activities are based on falsehood, deception, and fraud, who regard coming into the light of truth as dangerous, and who require security laws to safeguard their power of rule—cannot remain afloat for long. This is contrary to conscience, contrary to the laws of nature, and a thousand years of historical experience testify that, however strong those who rely on such things may be for a short time, they cannot survive for long.

Your servant, Khaksar

Abul A’la

[5]

To Syed Abul Khair Maududi.

New Central Jail, Multan

16 May 1949

Dear brother

Peace and the mercy of Allah be upon you.

Whenever you come in the future, bring the two elder boys with you. If Haji Mian [the nickname of the elder brother’s son is ‘Haji Mian’] wants to come, bring him too. Thinking that the environment here might have a bad effect, I had initially forbidden bringing them. But after thinking it over, I have reached the decision that they should be shown every place. It may still be that future generations will be more misguided than the present generation, and the people of that time will have to struggle harder than we do against them. I do not want to raise my sons for luxury. Rather, I want to raise them to serve the good and struggle against evil.

Your servant, Khaksar

Abul A’la

[6]

To Ahmad Faruq Maududi.

New Central Jail, Multan

23 December 1949

Dear son,

And peace be upon you.

I do not know when you will receive the letter I am writing to you today. I am not worried about this, of course, and you should not be worried either. Whether you receive the letter or not, and whether or not you learn of my well-being, remain content in all circumstances that whatever Allah does, He does for the best. Satan wants us to become extremely frightened and impatient in such circumstances. But, relying upon God, we should defeat this trickery of Satan.

I have no idea whether you are managing well or badly. Even if I were to learn something of your good or bad circumstances, I could do nothing. Therefore, I have entrusted you to God and exercised patience. I believe that you are living even now exactly as you would have had to live after my death. It is one of God’s ways that you have had to face during my lifetime the circumstances that others have to face after the death of their guardian. Do not break down over this experience; rather, take advantage of this opportunity. God willing, it will prove beneficial for you.

– Abul A‘la Maududi

[7]

To Chaudhry Ghulam Muhammad of Karachi.

New Central Jail, Multan

6 April 1950

Peace and the mercy of Allah be upon you.

The character of Islam differs from that of the revolutionary movements of the present age. Contemporary revolutionary movements first adopt retaliatory measures against those who create obstacles for them. Second, they adopt extremely vile means to establish one social order in place of another. They do not care that millions of human beings may be destroyed as a result of this revolutionary transformation. Islam, on the other hand, when it becomes capable of gaining power, generally adopts the policy of forgiveness instead of revenge. Thereafter, in correcting the defects and shortcomings of the previous social order and implementing its own program of reform and correction in its place, its general policy is that reform and correction will be carried out gradually and by the easiest possible methods, and human life will be protected as far as possible from sudden revolution.

People ignorant of the spirit of Islam imitate the revolutionary methods prevalent in the world out of excessive eagerness for reform and correction, and in doing so place an Islamic label on them. The purpose of explaining Islamic principles is precisely to analyze their erroneous method of action.

-Abul A‘la Maududi

[8

Replies to letters given in Rasail o Masail

The Storm of Opposition

…. I am not unaware of the propaganda that has been launched against me. This is not a new experience for me. Repeatedly, attempts have been made to spread such false accusations against me, and I have always exercised patience. My experience so far is that Allah Ta’ala does not allow falsehood to spread.

It has always been my practice that whenever I have found people reckless about honesty, trustworthiness and fear of God, I have not answered anything they said, nor do I wish to do so in the future. I think taking revenge on them is beyond my capacity. Allah Ta’ala alone can take revenge on them. I also believe that I do not need to refute their lies. Insha’Allah, their conceit will be exposed in this very world.

Purpose and Method of Work

Understand well the purpose for which Jamaat-e-Islami was formed. This Jamaat was not formed by any country or nation to solve a temporary problem through a temporary method. Nor was it formed on the principle that whatever policy happens to be current for solving problems at any given time will simply be adopted. There is only one universal and eternal problem before this Jamaat, one that encompasses all the problems of every country and nation. That problem is: in what lies humanity’s worldly progress and salvation in the Hereafter. This Jamaat has only one solution to this problem. It is that the entire human race should truly adopt servitude to Allah, and then follow the principles contained in Allah’s Book and the Sunnah of the Messenger. Apart from this problem and its solution, we have no interest in anything else in the world.

The Necessity of Forming a Party

It is established from the Hadith that there can be no truly Islamic life without a Jamaat or group. For life to be genuinely Islamic, the most essential thing is that one must be connected with Islam’s objective, namely, Iqamat-e-Deen. This requires making an all-out effort for that objective, and such an effort is impossible without united strength. Therefore, it would be a grave mistake to call any life Islamic without a Jamaat. Secondly, a person need not join our Jamaat; but he should join a Jamaat whose objective is this and whose party organization and method of making an all-out effort are in accordance with Islamic teachings. In such a case, we will not hesitate to acknowledge him as one who follows the true path. But it is not right in our view for a person to follow only the methods of personal character-building prescribed in the Shariah and not join any Jamaat for the effort to establish the Deen. We regard such a life as half-Jahiliyyah. In our understanding, the minimum demand of Islam is that if a person does not see around him any Jamaat making an all-out effort by Islamic methods to attain Islamic objectives, he should try to form such a group and must be prepared that whenever a Jamaat of this kind is found, he will abandon all his individualism and join it in the spirit of a Jamaat.

Preaching and Revolution

As far as I have understood from your letter, its essence is that at the present time there should be only oral preaching, speeches, the writing of articles, and publicity through newspapers and journals. There is no need to invite people to practice anything themselves beyond this. Then, when the minds and hearts of all Muslims have been influenced by our way of thinking, a revolution will suddenly occur one day.

The idea is quite excellent. But what can be done about the fact that the nature of preaching and revolution is not the same? Influential and effective preaching can take place only when the group engaged in preaching practices its principles and organizes those who practice them. Mere exhortation and admonition have been going on for a long time. What result has it produced?

(Rasail o Masail)

Some Valuable Words

[1]

Rather than trying to understand the Deen from anyone in the past or present, I have always tried to understand it from the Qur’an and Sunnah. Therefore, in order to know what God’s Deen demands of me and of every believer, I do not try to see what some venerable elder says or does. Rather, I only try to see what the Qur’an says and what its Messenger (peace and blessings be upon him) did.

– Abul A‘la Maududi

[2]

In reality, we want to create a group that, on the one hand, will be more advanced in religiousness and piety than the technically religious and God-fearing, and, on the other hand, will be more qualified and capable than ordinary worldly people to run the affairs of the world. Such a group of righteous people should be formed whose members are God-fearing, sincere and trustworthy. They should be adorned with character and qualities pleasing to God. At the same time, they should understand worldly affairs better than worldly people.

– Abul A‘la Maududi

[3]

Whenever it becomes clear to me and my fellow workers that we have deviated even by a hair’s breadth from the Qur’an and Sunnah, then, Insha’Allah, you will see that we will not hesitate for a moment to return to the truth. But if, instead of God’s Book and the Messenger’s Sunnah, you make some person the touchstone for distinguishing truth from falsehood, then consign yourselves and your future entirely to that person. You have every right to do so. Then give this answer to God: ‘O God, we had entrusted our Deen to such-and-such people instead of to Your Book and the Sunnah of Your Messenger.’ If this answer can save you from God, then continue giving it with a contented heart.

– Abul A‘la Maududi

[4]

If we are doing this work with the attitude of shopkeepers, then thousands upon thousands of curses be upon us and upon this enterprise of ours. But if it is sincere service to God’s Deen, then everyone should be pleased that he is not doing this work alone; others too are engaged in it. Our duty is not to regard him as a rival. We will go to him again and again, so that Allah may turn his heart.

– Abul A‘la Maududi

[5]

Establishing the Deen: An Unshakeable and Essential Duty

It is the essential duty of every truth-seeking person to create within himself an intense inspiration for Iqamat-e-Deen. He should then strive to make this fire burn within his heart. What the outcome of this effort will be is beyond discussion. It may be that we will be sawn apart, dragged across the ground, thrown onto burning coals, and that our dead bodies will become food for crows and kites. Even after all this, we may not have the good fortune to transform the present false system into a true and beautiful system. But this failure is no failure at all. No fear or uncertainty of failure will release us from the demand that Allah Ta’ala has made of us concerning Iqamat-e-Deen. This is an unshakeable and essential duty, which we must fulfill at any cost and in any circumstances. If all the khanqahs try to assure you that certain wazifahs and ascetic exercises can exempt you from this responsibility, then I will tell you with certainty that this is nothing but a satanic deception. As long as you have heads on your shoulders and every inch of Allah’s earth is bowed in servitude to someone other than Allah, peaceful sleep is forbidden to you.

– Abul A‘la Maududi

(Proceedings of Jamaat-e-Islami—Volume 3)

[6]

The Divine Government and Allah’s Pleasure

I cannot say what the result of this effort for Iqamat-e-Deen will be. Allah Ta’ala alone knows the outcome. If the result of this effort is that we succeed in establishing a righteous social system, then that will be a gift from Allah. Some people mockingly say that all our efforts are aimed at gaining power and that we have no concern for the true objective of the Deen, which is attaining Allah’s pleasure. Their notion is completely mistaken. All our efforts are for a righteous and God-given system. There is no wrongdoing in this effort, nor is there anything shameful about it. When we speak of the Divine Government, this is the system referred to above that we mean. I cannot understand what there is to argue about if this is what we desire, or how it could be contrary to seeking God’s pleasure. How could there be a greater way to attain God’s pleasure than that God’s law alone should prevail on God’s earth? And who could seek God’s pleasure more than those who devote their lives and wealth to this work and, whatever the outcome, refuse to allow anyone’s sovereignty except God’s to prevail in God’s earth? If this kind of struggle and effort is worldliness, then is religiosity supposed to mean staying awake at night reciting the dhikr of ‘Allah’ while striving during the day to establish Satan’s throne? Those who speak this way have an extremely contemptible conception of the Deen in their minds.

– Abul A‘la Maududi

(Proceedings of Jamaat-e-Islami—Volume 3)

[7]

The Demand of the True Path

The true demand of this path is that a desire should arise within us to welcome opposition. Whether a person follows the true path or the false path, Allah Ta’ala’s principle is that whoever adopts any path is tested by fire on that very path. The characteristic of the path of truth is that it is filled with this trial by fire from beginning to end. Just as a talented student in mathematics is pleased by a difficult problem because he has received an opportunity to test his intellectual ability, so a firm-minded believer is happy to face a new trial because an opportunity has come to prove his obedience. A feeble lamp is extinguished by a gust of wind, but a blazing furnace is made even more ablaze by a gust of wind. Develop such ability within yourselves that, just as a blazing furnace is not extinguished by damp fuel but instead takes it as nourishment, you too should not bow before opposition; rather, draw nourishment and strength from it. Until this ability has been developed within us, it cannot be hoped that we will be able to render any good service to the Deen.

– Abul A‘la Maududi

(Proceedings of Jamaat-e-Islami—Volume 3)

[8]

If I accept the way the Deen is being distorted, and become what some people want me to be, then I will be guilty of such a grave offense that I will face severe accountability before Allah. On that day, no one will come to help me. Therefore, I consider it preferable to become the object of their mockery and ridicule rather than endanger myself in the Hereafter.

– Abul A‘la Maududi

[9]

God is my witness that I bear no enmity toward any person or group. I am only a friend of truth and an enemy of falsehood. I have presented the arguments for the truth of what I consider true, and I have also presented the arguments for what I consider false. If someone disagrees with me and points out my error through argument, I can change my opinion. Even now, there are some people who become angry merely because something has been said against them or their beloved leader. Yet what they should consider is not whether what has been said is true or false. I do not care about such people’s fire of anger. I will not answer their abuse, nor will I deviate from my path.

– Abul A‘la Maududi

[10]

My outspokenness will surely seem distasteful to those great men who are accustomed to judging truth by people instead of judging people by truth. I have prepared myself to receive some more abuse in response.

– Abul A‘la Maududi

[11]

I am deeply saddened that the moral decline of Muslims has now reached such an extreme that those who violate God’s law walk about arrogantly. Meanwhile, those who obey the law of the Lord of the Worlds and call upon others to obey it are the very ones who today are disgraced and humiliated.

– Abul A‘la Maududi

[12]

By God’s grace, I did not act out of emotion. I weighed every word I spoke in my address, bearing in mind that I would have to account for it before God, not before any human being. I am certain that I did not utter a single word contrary to the truth. Everything I said was absolutely essential for the service of the faith. I feared that I would be held accountable before God not for saying these things, but for failing to say them.

– Abul Ala Maududi

[13]

I am not one of those who have made false propaganda, personal quarrels, and abuse their profession. I have always viewed with disgust the conduct of those who wear the turbans of the elders of the nation and turn political differences into personal enmity. Those who know me also know this truth.

– Abul Ala Maududi

[14]

Cinema

Question:I sometimes go to the cinema for entertainment. I do not go under the influence of sexual attraction. What do you say about this?

Answer:Only those eyes that have not yet become fully Muslim can tolerate the scenes in a cinema. Try to make your two eyes Muslim. Then you will see that the cinema will no longer entertain you. It will cause such pain that you will feel as though someone is pricking your eyes with needles.

– Abul Ala Maududi

An Interview

Question:Would you tell us about some exceptionally important events in your life?

Answer:I have no habit of keeping a diary, nor have I ever sat down to reflect on these matters. Sometimes a remark comes up according to the occasion. In the course of conversation, I happen to mention an event. But I have never prepared a list of such things, nor have I reflected on them. Occasionally, some extraordinary matter suddenly comes up. Otherwise, generally speaking, I neither rejoice greatly over anything nor become depressed.

Question:Have you ever been in a situation in which obtaining food became very difficult?

Answer:No, sir, that has not happened. Thanks be to God for that. There was only one occasion when it seemed that I might have to go hungry that day. But before I had to fast, God Almighty made some arrangement or other. Thanks be to God, such a situation has not arisen to this day. The reason is that I lived alone for a long time and often cooked with my own hands. At other times I was so busy with work that I had no time to cook. When mealtime came, I would bring bananas and eat them.

Question:When did you used to work while sitting for long periods, and for how many hours?

Answer:I can work at any time. But when I see that there is no free time during the day, I work at night. There was a time when I worked from the evening prayer until the dawn prayer. Even during that time, people would come to meet me and conversations would continue.

Question:In the work of this movement and in these circumstances, how much attention did you pay to your health?

Answer:For some time I was reckless about my health as well. At one point, I worked with the thought that I had to apply all my strength, whatever the outcome might be. During that period I worked desperately. I did not care at all what pressure would be placed on my body and health. I continued working in this way from 1939 to 1942. I worked alone. There was no one to help me. I felt that, whether or not this work continued, I should do as much as I could. Of course, I had no assurance that any fellow workers would be found or that the work I was doing would succeed.

Question:Were you happy when you found fellow workers and the work of the movement continued to grow?

Answer: Yes, of course; that is only natural.

Question:What was your reaction when you were sent to prison for the first time?

Answer:From the very beginning I had assumed that this situation would certainly arise, and it was not beyond my expectations. Indeed, I had expected it. I was not saddened by it.

Question:When you first went to prison and then came out after spending twenty months there, what was your state of mind?

Answer:I felt neither any particular happiness nor sadness at that time. I worked in prison in complete comfort. Every six months the government extended the term of my imprisonment. It never happened that I counted the days and at last the day of release arrived. I was firmly convinced that they would not release me under any circumstances. From the very beginning I was prepared for my term to be extended again after six months. I knew what sort of people those in power at that time were. Therefore, I could not even hope that my term would not be extended after six months. I assumed each time that the term would be extended, and then I would calmly resume my work. I felt no anxiety about being released.

Question:Did you think you would be sentenced to death? When you received the news of the death sentence, what was your state of mind?

Answer:The real point is that this is not something to proclaim with drums and fanfare. Whatever I say in answer to this question today may perhaps be given the opposite meaning tomorrow. In short, for a long time I had been hoping that, if death came, I would at least see the next chapter once. I was therefore quite happy: first, I would have the opportunity to cross the gate of death and see the scene of the Hereafter. Second, I would remain grateful to whoever martyred me, thereby ensuring my salvation in the Hereafter. Indeed, I felt a kind of happiness. Of course, I also thought: where would they find the courage to hang me? They want to get rid of me, for my existence has become unbearable to them. It was therefore possible that they would seize this opportunity. I too wished that it would be so. For that reason I was certain and untroubled.

Question:Did any special event occur in your life that turned the course of your life in this direction?

Answer:I am not the kind of person whose life’s course would be changed by any particular event. Through calm and steady research, I gradually advance in one direction. Only one particular event deeply disturbed me.

After spending nine years in Hyderabad, when I reached Delhi in 1937, I felt that during that period Muslims had been rapidly moving away from Islam. The situation I sensed in Delhi did not exist in Hyderabad. The daughters of respectable Muslim families had begun moving openly through the markets—something I could never have imagined to such an extent. This deeply disturbed me. Seeing the situation in Delhi, I could not sleep at night, wondering what had happened. So much change in nine years? This was the period when a Congress government had been established, as a result of which Hindu dominance was visible everywhere. The situation was extremely painful. In 1937, when I left Delhi and set out for Hyderabad by train, a Hindu leader was travelling with me. Some Muslims began speaking with him. From their conversation, it seemed as though the Congress leaders were the masters of this country and the Muslims were their subjects—as though the Muslims were beggars and the others were donors. I listened silently to their conversation. A complete picture of what the future condition of the Muslims would be rose before my eyes. After this incident, I wrote Siyasi Kashmakash, Part One. By witnessing this event and travelling around, I was able to perceive accurately what I had been unable to understand correctly through newspapers while sitting in Hyderabad. This was what inspired me to strive for organized struggle.

(Islamic Movement issue of Cherag-e-Rah)

Some Historical Statements

* This is the country of the ummah of Muhammad (peace be upon him)—not the country of the ummah of Marx and Mao Zedong. If we have to struggle for God’s faith, we will not hesitate to struggle on ten fronts. At the same time, we will struggle against dictatorship and against godlessness. As long as we are alive and have heads upon our shoulders, no one will dare establish any system here other than Islam.

* Brother, you already know my attitude. They know very well what my crime is. It is better to give my life on the gallows than to apologize to them.

* If I sit down, who will remain standing?

* The age is a very ruthless evaluator. You will not be deemed genuine in its tests through any artificial means or fabricated method. But be certain that if you can prove yourself genuine through your conduct, then, no matter how hard the opposing forces try to prove you false, God willing, they will surely fail. Do not be frightened by the strength of falsehood. Sometimes it comes swelling like a storm, and at other times it vanishes into nothingness like a bubble. You should not concern yourself with combating falsehood; rather, your concern should be your own integrity.

* Islam and Western civilization are now like two boats moving in precisely opposite directions. If anyone boards one of them, they must abandon the other. And if anyone boards both at the same time, they will be torn in two.

* The time has come for us to make the final decision about whether or not we will remain Muslims. To remain Muslims, we must resolve to make our own surroundings and the whole world Dar al-Islam. If we do not possess even this much courage and resolve, we must abandon the claim of being Muslims. The question of whether an Islamic Revolution is possible comes later. The first question is whether you possess the resolve and desire to remain Muslims. Suppose that an Islamic Revolution is impossible. Suppose that, after seeing the fascist activities and overwhelming dominance of the forces of unbelief at this time, anyone who stands with the aim of establishing Dar al-Islam will certainly be called mad and accused of wanting to play with fire. Believe also that, so to speak, we have almost lost the field at this time. Standing to confront this situation will seem like the work of a madman. Know well, too, that its consequence will be exactly what our weak-believing leaders imagine: every atom and particle of the heavens and the earth will become your enemy. Know in advance as well that the camps hostile to Islam will unite and stand against you. On the other hand, Muslims will not unite and come forward to help you. Rather, they will mock you for this ‘madness.’ Knowing all this, ask your own heart carefully whether its feeling and passion for remaining Muslim have reached the level of that ‘madness.’ We need only those in whom this ‘madness’ exists, and only they can carry forward the movement for Dar al-Islam.

* It is necessary to understand clearly about haqq, or truth, that it is truth in itself. It is the name of an eternal value that is wholly correct and free from error. Even if the entire world abandons it, it remains truth, because its being true is not conditional on the world accepting it. The world’s acceptance or rejection is not the criterion for distinguishing truth from falsehood. If the world does not accept the truth, the truth does not thereby fail. Rather, the world that rejects it and accepts falsehood is the one that fails. Adversity does not befall the truth; it befalls those who follow the truth. But those who thoughtfully and with inner certainty decide that they must remain steadfast upon the truth in every circumstance and must sacrifice their lives and wealth to exalt its message may indeed face adversity, but they will never be unsuccessful. It is related in hadith that some prophets came who spent their entire lives calling to the truth, yet not a single person believed in them. Would we then call them disappointed failures? No; the nation that rejects haqq, or truth, and accepts the leadership of those who follow falsehood is the one that has become a disappointed failure.

There is no doubt that in this world only what ordinary people accept prevails, and what they do not accept cannot prevail. But people’s acceptance or rejection cannot be the measure of truth and falsehood. If most people wish to grope and stumble in the darkness, let them continue to grope and stumble at their leisure. Our task is to light a lamp in the darkness, and we will continue doing this throughout our lives. We seek refuge in God from becoming astray or leading others astray. It is God’s infinite grace that He has enabled us to light a lamp in the darkness. We will show gratitude for this grace by dying while continuing to light the lamp.

* A mosque is not the only house of God. Rather, outside this house there is a second mosque, much, much larger, whose name is the world. Just as a person carries out every act and step in that small mosque according to God’s command, so too, if all activities outside that mosque are carried out according to God’s command, that will be worship, and its name is din.

* My experience throughout my life tells me that no forces in the world have been able to survive if they have tried to take refuge within a fortress. Hiding inside a fortress out of fear of confronting the field is a clear sign of cowardice. God Almighty did not create this earth for cowards to establish their authority over it.

My Favourite Book

‘I have studied many books from the age of ignorance. I have gone through shelves of books on ancient and modern philosophy, science, history, economics, politics, and various other subjects. But when I opened my eyes and read the Holy Qur’an, I truly felt that everything I had studied until then was utterly insignificant. The source of knowledge had now come into my possession. Kant, Hegel, Nietzsche, Marx, and the world’s other great thinkers seemed to me mere children. I feel pity for them because they spent their entire lives trying to solve certain problems and wrote immense books about them, yet failed to present solutions to those problems. In contrast, this Great Book, the Qur’an, presents sound solutions to all those problems in just a few words. If these poor men had not remained ignorant of this Great Book, they would not have wasted their lives in this way. This one book alone is my true favourite. It has completely transformed me. It made a human being out of an animal. It drew me out of darkness into the light. It placed in my hands a lamp such that, wherever I look in life, the truth appears to me so clearly that no ambiguity remains in it. The key that opens every kind of lock is called a master key in English. The Qur’an is my master key. Whichever lock of life’s problems I apply it to, it opens at once. I have no words with which to give thanks to the God who bestowed this Great Book.’

The valuable words above appeared in a letter written by Maulana Sayyid Abul Ala Maududi on 31 March 1940, in reply to a letter from Maulana Sayyid Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi, the then editor of the magazine An-Nadwa.

The U.P. Muslim League had formed a committee to draft an Islamic constitution, and Maulana Maududi had also been included in it. On behalf of the Nawab Sahib of Chhatari, Maulana was invited to attend a meeting of this committee to be held at Nadwatul Ulama. I am also presenting to the readers the letter he wrote to Sayyid Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi before attending the meeting.

Mubarak Park, Punj Road, Lahore

24 December 1940

Respected and honored Sir,

Peace be upon you.

I have received your letter. Today I received a letter from the Nawab Sahib of Chhatari. In it, he invited me to attend a meeting of the committee drafting an Islamic constitution. The meeting is being held in your Lucknow. I have no particular interest or enthusiasm for the Nawabs or their committee. If it were merely a matter of attending their committee meeting, I would try to avoid it. But attending this meeting has created an opportunity to establish direct contact with Nadwa and with you. For this reason, I have decided to go to Lucknow. God willing, I shall reach Lucknow on 3 January. The arrangements for my food and accommodation will be your responsibility. I would like to stay in a place where people of all kinds can come and speak and discuss freely and openly. When I went to Aligarh, I preferred staying at the Old Boys’ Lodge. Its advantage was that people of every party and opinion could meet me without hesitation. I want some such place in Lucknow. Strict communists and atheists mix with me just as believing and righteous people do. To speak with them, a place is better where there are no such people before whom they would hesitate to appear.

Your servant,

Abul A‘la

Maulana Maududi’s Contributions

The life of Allama Sayyid Abul Ala Maududi was wholly Islamic in its ideals and thought, doctrine and method of work, conduct and character; it was clear, pure, and spotless like a mirror. Those who observed him closely or from afar with an open and impartial mind were captivated by his towering humanity and greatness, his simplicity, and his warm, courteous manner.

Writers, poets, politicians, jurists, scientists, and philosophers discussed every subject with him at length and bowed before his scholarship. Those who had thought of him from a distance as a ‘narrow-minded cleric’ found him in conversation to be like a vast, generous ocean, and saw in him an eager desire not to drive people away but to draw them close. To many, the humble, modest, and unpretentious conduct of so great a scholar was a tremendous wonder.

Although the Maulana had received no certificate from a darul ulum or any university, he was an ocean of knowledge. Thus, despite never having been a university student, he taught without salary at renowned colleges, with competence and distinction. After reading his various works and conversing with him, one can say without doubt that nothing was unknown to him—from the Qur’an, Hadith, and fiqh to modern knowledge and science. The histories of the various peoples of the world and the accounts of their religious, political, social, and moral rises and declines were at his fingertips. Nor did he omit from his reading list plays and novels in English, German, and other foreign languages, in order to gain deep knowledge of the psychology of the bearers, proponents, and worshippers of Western civilization. Thus, without doubt, he was an encyclopedia of knowledge.

May Allah Most High shower His countless mercies upon the twentieth century’s epoch-making thinker, scholar of religion, and mujtahid, Sayyid Abul Ala Maududi, who devoted every moment of his entire life to upholding the true religion and employed all the strength of his body and mind in this great work, disregarding his body and health. Allah Most Pure also honored him with the distinction of seeing during his lifetime that the beating of his heart had become the beating of the heart of the entire Islamic world.

His entire life comprised three chapters: Hijrah, jihad, and martyrdom. He devoted himself to the path of God with such single-minded dedication that he cheerfully endured every oppression and persecution of the forces of falsehood, imprisonment, and even the gallows. Thus, he was a living martyr and a mujahid man.

He left such unparalleled contributions to the Muslim world as no one else could have made. I would like to mention a few of them by way of example.

One. During the period of Muslim decline, so many temptations and deviations arose that Muslims drifted away from true Islam. One of these was the separation of religion from worldly life. As a result, one could hear even a Muslim, and even a scholar, mockingly say: Government? Parliament? These are worldly matters. Pray, fast, perform Hajj if you can, pay zakat, recite the Holy Qur’an, perform tasbih and tahlil—that is Islam. In this age of decline, the slogan first resounded from Maulana Maududi’s lips: Islam is a complete way of life. He taught the forgotten lesson, and today this slogan is echoing throughout the Muslim world: the fundamental teaching of Islam is that no aspect or sphere of life lies outside Islam’s scope.

Two.If a list were made of all the deviations created against Islam, it would be seen that there was no deviation whose successful refutation he did not undertake. Enchanted by the glitter and splendor of materialist Western civilization and culture, Muslim youth were rapidly moving toward rebellion against God.

The Maulana’s first task was to determine how Muslim youth and future generations could be protected from the magic of Western civilization. In his book Tanqihat, he subjected Western civilization to a minute analysis and demonstrated its hollowness. The breadth and spellbinding power of his two books, Tanqihat and Tafhimat, written one after the other, is something to behold. The weapon of the Maulana’s pen performed surgery on the fatal diseases afflicting Europe’s materialist civilization. Through research-based and scientific thinking, he struck mortal blows at the doctrines that formed the foundations of materialism, atheism, and socialism. These blows unsettled the Europeans and created tremendous enthusiasm, energy, and inspiration among Muslim youth. The Maulana’s literature quenched the thirst of the young. They rushed almost madly toward morality and Islam. Allah Most High arranged, through the Maulana’s sacred hands, the construction of a dam against the flood of irreligion and atheism that had come from Europe to this subcontinent. No one else accomplished this task.

Three.Maulana Maududi’s greatest contribution was that he inspired Muslims to understand the Qur’an. We had forgotten the Qur’an, the most reliable and preserved source of Allah’s guidance. Some scholars had restricted it, instead of deriving guidance from it for every sphere of life, to amulets and incantations. On the other hand, Orientalists launched such severe attacks against the Qur’an that the modern educated class became bewildered, and some even completely altered the meaning of certain passages of the Qur’an. It was also seen that some exegetes, while explaining it, introduced controversies that had no connection either with life or with the Qur’an.

Many translations are so complicated and so disconnected from the preceding and following context that Allah’s original message cannot be understood.

In this field, Maulana Maududi has done such remarkable work that prayers for him spontaneously rise from the reader’s heart. Young people’s interest in the Holy Qur’an is growing, and they have begun to experience a heavenly delight in studying the Word of Allah. The language of his translation is so comprehensible to the general public that no simpler style of expression is possible.

Besides the strength and influence of its language, his Tafsir Tafhim-ul-Qur’an has made special provision for presenting the Islamic way of life to the reader in a harmonious form. If, in studying the Qur’an, one does not find the structure of the way of life for which this Book was revealed and God’s Prophet was sent, then its purpose is not fulfilled. Sayyid Abul Ala Maududi provided a complete picture and fully built edifice of that system, and the entire life of that benefactor of humanity—the Messenger, peace and blessings be upon him—also emerges clearly; he completed the construction of the edifice according to the design over twenty-three years.

Four.Another valuable contribution is Sirat-e-Sarwar-e-Alam (The Life of the Prophet). The Prophet Muhammad, peace and blessings be upon him, was the living embodiment of the Qur’an and the foremost example of moral greatness and virtue. It is rare now to find an accurate biography of the Prophet that corresponds exactly with the Qur’an revealed progressively over twenty-three years. Just as the Qur’an cannot be understood while ignoring the Prophet’s biography, the Prophet’s true identity cannot be known without the help of the Qur’an. The book Sirat-e-Sarwar-e-Alam sheds beautiful light on both matters. It provides moving arguments and proofs that the Prophet Muhammad was undoubtedly the Prophet of the world and the sole guide and benevolent leader of humanity for all times and ages. The author himself was passionately devoted to love of the Prophet, and flashes of that love appear on every page of the book. This love inspired him to shape his own life in imitation of the Prophet. Maulana Maududi’s contributions are so extensive that a book could be written about them. Instead, I now wish to mention some features of his character.

Five.Many accuse the Maulana of opposing tasawwuf and condemning pirs and shaykhs. In reality, tasawwuf is not a term used by the Qur’an, Hadith, the noble Companions, or the Tabi‘in. But if by tasawwuf one means the Qur’anic tazkiyah and the ihsan of Hadith, then certainly Maulana Maududi was not merely a supporter of tasawwuf; rather, he was a perfected Sufi of the highest rank. His entire life is the true proof of this. Who could be a greater Sufi than one whose heart contains fear, awe, and love only for Allah; whose tawakkul is in Allah alone; whose تعلق is only with Allah; whose heart is filled with the remembrance of Allah and in which there is no place for anything besides Allah? Maulana Maududi was the embodiment of all this—not his accusers.

Six.The Maulana always considered himself an insignificant servant, bowing his head in fear of Allah. He did not like anyone to praise him at all. Leaders of secular parties want their followers to praise them extravagantly, fill the air with cries of ‘Long live!’, and honor them with garlands or various gifts. This gives them great self-satisfaction. The Maulana’s nature, however, was entirely the opposite. His death sentence was commuted to rigorous imprisonment. But after twenty-five months he was released. He then resumed responsibility for editing Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an. In an editorial, he expressed his gratitude to those admirers who had rejoiced at his unexpected release. At one point in the article he said: ‘At the same time, I cannot refrain from appealing that, in expressing their joy and displaying their affection and respect, my friends have adopted methods in which balance has not been maintained. It is difficult for me to forbid them, because I do not like displays of spirituality and humility, and it is difficult for me to accept them. I believe such things can create fitnah. How much better it would have been if my friends had considered it sufficient to remain below the limits of moderation in expressing their feelings for me.’ (Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an, vol. 4, no. 4)

Let me relate a personal experience. In 1958, the Maulana came to visit what was then East Pakistan. At one point he was to travel from Dinajpur to Bogra. I was with him. The railway route from Dinajpur to Bogra passed through Parbatipur, Joypurhat, and Santahar. I said, ‘Maulana, you will be going to Bogra right past my home in Joypurhat. Many people from Joypurhat and Santahar will come to welcome you.’

At my words, I noticed a trace of displeasure on the Maulana’s face. He said plainly, ‘Brother, I do not like people shouting slogans of “Long live!” when they see me or putting garlands around my neck. I want to avoid this nuisance. I will not go to Bogra via Santahar under any circumstances. Let us take another route.’

The Maulana refused to take this route in any way. Consequently, we had to go to Bogra via Rangpur, Kaunia, and Gaibandha.

Many people came to Joypurhat and Santahar and, not finding the Maulana, returned with hearts heavy with sorrow. People also came to receive him at Bahura Station and, failing to find him, became anxious. Without anyone’s knowledge, we got off at Bogra and reached our destination.

Seven.The Maulana was a ‘living martyr.’ Therefore, he had hardly any fear of death. This was vividly demonstrated many times. While the Maulana was delivering a speech at the Jamaat-e-Islami All-Pakistan Conference held in Lahore in 1963, a hired thug fired a pistol at him three times in succession from a distance of ten or twelve cubits. The Maulana did not fear death, and death itself seemed not to approach him in fear. By Allah’s infinite power, all three pistol bullets missed their target in order to protect His beloved servant. People cried out from every direction, ‘Maulana, sit down, sit down!’

The Maulana replied in a fearless and calm voice, ‘If I sit down, who will remain standing?’

The Maulana thus indicated that he would stand upon the straight path without fearing death.

I do not call this the Maulana’s karamat; rather, it was a miracle of Allah Most High, which astonished everyone’s heart, including that of the author present at the scene.

When he explained the difficult concepts and facts of the Qur’an and Hadith in a simple, clear, and God-given, moving style, he appeared to be the foremost of the scholars of the modern Muslim world, a reliable spokesman for Islam, and a bearer of the stamp of Islamic learning and research. Thus the Muslim world called him al-Ustadh al-Murshid, while the Rabitah al-Alam al-Islami bestowed upon him the title al-Imam Maududi.

At present, an extremely crisis-ridden situation has arisen in the history of the Muslim nation. Almost everywhere, a broad effort is under way to introduce into Muslim social life every creed, belief, practice, ideology, and ism opposed to Islam, backed by certain state powers. Socialism-communism, capitalism, the Qadiani and Paratze movements, linguistic nationalism, Arab nationalism, and other such isms and ideologies were consuming Islam’s essential life-force. Through his powerful pen, the Maulana broke the backbone of all these ideologies. He also expressed, in unequivocal language, the disastrous consequences of Arab nationalism. Dissatisfaction and protest against it have also begun to rise in the Middle East.

At times, while addressing a gathering of jurists at a bar library, he seemed like an all-knowing jurist. An internationally renowned person such as A. K. Brohi seemed, in his presence, like a student of law. He perfectly formulated the outline of a complete Islamic state and its laws. He skillfully answered every modern question on the subject and dispelled all doubts and misgivings.

His political talent and foresight were extraordinary. Thus, the picture of the distant future that he drew through his political wisdom and foresight was seen to become reality.

His immense contribution to the Muslim ummah was that, during the period of Muslim decline, Western godless doctrines and ideas, culture, and customs had so clouded Muslims’ minds and hearts that they became the mental slaves of the West’s political rulers. With the help of his powerful pen, the Maulana demonstrated the hollowness and destructiveness of Western doctrines and ideas and saved the Muslim nation from their overwhelming flood. Not only that, he clearly presented Islam before the world as the sole dynamic, vibrant, and beneficial complete way of life for humanity. Millions of educated young people and intellectuals around the world are realizing Islam as a complete way of life and shaping their minds, hearts, and characters in its light. The resonance of Islam heard throughout the world today is the fruit of the Maulana’s literature and universal Islamic da‘wah.

The Maulana was a practical thinker. His call for the comprehensive welfare, advancement, and progress of humanity was universal. His program in this regard was exceptionally clear, natural, and humane. Through analyses of biology, sexology, medical science, natural science, social science, and other fields, he brought before thoughtful people what a sound, beautiful, harmonious, and satisfying relationship between men and women could be and what its method should be. In short, Maulana Maududi was an extraordinary thinker and made a special contribution to the Muslim world and human civilization.

He possessed an incomparable character. He was never seen to become angry with anyone or use harsh language. He never became enraged at any misconduct by members of his household, sons and daughters, servants, colleagues, or friends, nor did he utter even a word that might hurt their feelings. This was the strict childhood training given by his affectionate father, which he observed throughout his life. However, he criticized people through humor in order to correct their faults.

Even in moments of extreme danger, no reaction appeared on his face. In ordinary sorrow and hardship, amid police cordons, in the narrow cells of prison, or upon hearing a death sentence, his naturally sweet, gentle smile did not disappear. He seemed to care little for any of these things.

He never used bad language toward the political parties and so-called elders of the nation who continually showered him with abuse, baseless accusations, and fatwas. Rather, he forgave them forever. His mind was clear, clean, broad, and above every kind of stain and impurity. Yet their slander and abuse did not stop. When his attention was repeatedly drawn to this matter, he said:

“I understand that they are working to make the scale of my good deeds heavier. For that, I am grateful to them.”

Like his clean mind, his clothing was clean, modern, tasteful, and a carrier of Islamic civilization and culture. His home was sparkling and spotless, entirely free of dirt, and pervaded by an unalloyed atmosphere of propriety. His books, papers, and writing materials were kept beautifully and orderly in their proper places, as if arranged by the hand of a skilled artist. His food was simple and plain, yet suited to the tastes of the refined elite of Delhi.

With his ever-smiling, luminous face and pleasant conversation, no one wished to leave. This was a great attraction of his personality and a sweet feature of his character.

One could experience a heavenly, sweet joy by praying behind him. When he recited the qira’ah of the prayer slowly, clearly, and in a soft, melodious voice, it was as though honey poured into one’s ears, while at the same time it instilled complete concentration in prayer and an extraordinary sense of closeness to Allah Most High.

One of the foremost features of the Maulana’s character was that his ideals and ideas were reflected in practice throughout his life. He did not mold only himself according to these ideals; rather, the lives of countless misguided human beings of different languages throughout the world were transformed.

The Maulana was highly disciplined even in his personal life. His meals, study, meetings with people, and sleeping hours were fixed. He did not readily allow deviations from this schedule. Of course, when he traveled, there were occasional exceptions.

The Maulana says that in the past he had terribly abused his body. He had no time for eating or sleeping. For many years he studied from after the Isha prayer until Fajr. As a result, his health completely broke down. He says that later he was compelled to regulate his eating and sleeping and make them disciplined.

Once, at a place in East Pakistan, an elaborate spread of food was arranged with the afternoon tea. The Maulana says that in the morning he ate toast, a fried egg, and some fruit with his tea. In the afternoon, only one cup of tea.

It was the Maulana’s habit to go and sit in the little garden outside the house after the Asr prayer. Visitors from home and abroad would gather there and ask various questions, which the Maulana would answer. People from the Arab countries, Japan and Norway, Malaysia and Indonesia, Turkey, and Europe and America would come to this afternoon gathering. It was like an international honeycomb. People thirsting for knowledge would rush there in search of knowledge. The Maulana answered everyone’s questions. In this way, he satisfied everyone’s thirst for knowledge.

The Maulana was very witty in conversation. Once he came to the city of Saidpur in Rangpur District. In the afternoon, the city’s businessmen and prominent people held a discussion with the Maulana. In the course of the conversation, the Maulana asked a gentleman what he did.

Gentleman— I trade in leather.

Maulana— What kind of leather—chicken, by any chance?

The gentleman, slightly embarrassed, hurriedly replied— No, Huzur, cow and goat hides.

Maulana— Oh, is that so? Everywhere I have gone, starting from Dhaka, I have eaten nothing but chicken, chicken, and chicken. I have not encountered mutton anywhere. So I thought that perhaps even chicken-hide trading was carried on in this country.

The intelligent host had no difficulty understanding that he would have to serve the Maulana mutton.

Once, in the middle of 1963, the Maulana went to Rawalpindi. We went to receive him at Chaklala Airport.

After the grand reception, before getting into the car, the Maulana took a paan from the box and put it in his mouth. The Maulana knew that I was a paan-chewer. So he gave me one too. When I reached for the zarda, he joked:

—Oh-ho, you have left the paan halal.

I said— Maulana! Paan is halal at all times.

Maulana— When is paan halal without zarda?

The Maulana has departed from this world. He completed his work, and the striving of his life reached fulfillment. His striving, his universal da’wah, and the fruits of knowledge he left behind will keep him immortal forever. He has left behind his priceless treasury of literature and countless spiritual children, who are spread throughout the world. The work he left behind will continue for ages, century after century.

Appendix 1

Allama Iqbal invited Maulana Maududi to migrate to Punjab. Several of the letters exchanged with the Maulana on his behalf by Sayyid Nazir Niazi are given below:

(Copy of the letter written by the Maulana to Sayyid Nazir Niazi)

Tarjuman-ul-Quran

Hyderabad Deccan

17 Jumada al-Ula 1356 AH, 26 July 1937.

My respected and honored friend, assalamu alaikum.

I have received your letter of kindness. I am grateful that you have expressed your feelings in clear language. I too wish to say a few things with an open mind. I have set a goal and certain principles for my life. By God’s grace, I possess enough steadfastness that, however great the difficulty, I do not at all like to deviate from my goal or alter any of my principles. All the difficulties I now face are entirely the result of obligations I have imposed upon myself. Otherwise, this storm of danger could pass. Among the obligations I have imposed upon myself is that I will not ask anyone for financial assistance for myself. Second, I will not even consider accepting payment for any national or religious service. Third, I will not allow myself to become involved in the lure of any profit that prevents me from working freely, according to my own judgment, in the interests of the religion and the community. (There are some other obligations as well, but they are not related to the subject under discussion.) You can now understand for yourself how difficult it is for me to accept what you have said. I do not ask for even a single penny of assistance for myself, let alone one hundred rupees. I have started a business to meet my personal expenses. I can carry it on in Lahore as well. Serving as imam at the Shahi Mosque would be an unexpected blessing for me. What greater opportunity to work could there be? But although serving as imam for payment is not unlawful in my view, it is certainly strongly makruh. For four hundred years, it was unanimously accepted among Muslims that receiving payment for leading the prayer or teaching the Quran was not permissible. Later, the deterioration of circumstances made it permissible. Since then, both these offices have become degraded and lifeless. I fully understand this truth. Therefore, I cannot even think of serving as imam for payment. But if this service is entrusted to me without payment, I am ready to accept it with heart and soul.

As for staying away from politics, I am not prepared to do so at all. I did not turn toward political activity under the influence of any immediate emotion. Rather, after careful thought, I have reached the decision that I must now emerge from my secluded corner and do something. The Muslims are now caught in an extreme crisis. Leave aside those from whom there was no hope of receiving proper guidance. Even those from whom every kind of hope was placed today are giving false leadership. The spread of the Congress movement has caused divisions among the Muslims. Reports of people leaving the ranks arrive daily. Jawaharlal’s party is rapidly extending its influence among the people. The Jhansi election has made clear how greatly Muslim public opinion has been influenced. How small the margin now is between Congress and non-Congress! From reading the statements of Muslim leaders and the articles in Muslim newspapers and journals, one can estimate how few people there are who understand the true position of Muslim India and before whom the correct path is completely clear. In such a situation, consider how reasonable it can be for one of the few remaining people to impose upon himself the obligation of a job, and that too one paying one hundred and fifty or two hundred rupees. If I considered that reasonable, why would I need to go to Lahore? A position paying four hundred rupees is available for me at Osmania University. Why should I not accept it? The only reason I wish to head for Lahore is that, in my view, the decision of Muslim India—which is now very near—depends upon the strength of the three northern provinces. I wish to go and settle in that Dar-ul-Islam and see what opportunities can be found there to strengthen Islam and undertake work through it. I cannot judge that from here. As soon as I arrive there, I shall look for opportunities. Whatever opportunity I find, I shall benefit from it. To gain this kind of benefit, I wish to keep my mind, brain, hands, and feet completely free and independent. At no cost can I accept an obligation that would stand in the way of benefiting from any opportunity to serve the religion and the community.

I hope you have understood my viewpoint well. The difficulties I mentioned in my previous letter are as follows: the monthly expenses of Tarjuman-ul-Quran are approximately three hundred rupees. There are not yet enough subscribers among the public for the magazine’s expenses to be met from their subscriptions. The Nizam’s government purchases 275 copies. It is through this that the magazine continues to run. If I go to Lahore, it is very likely that, besides bearing my personal expenses, I will also have to bear the burden of the magazine’s financial losses. It would become virtually impossible for me to manage this. The solution to the problem could be that you, through your means in Punjab, try to promote and expand the circulation of Tarjuman-ul-Quran. If I can hope that its circulation will reach five hundred, I shall be relieved about the magazine. I do not wish to take anything from the magazine, but I do not even have the means to contribute anything to it.

It would be a privilege for me to participate with Allama Iqbal in establishing a new Islamic social order. I am ready for every possible service. But I do not need any financial allowance for this.

Your humble servant

Abul A‘la.

(Second letter)

Tarjuman-ul-Quran, Hyderabad

13 August 1936

My respected and honored friend, assalamu alaikum.

I received your letter of 2 August. In accordance with your letter, I shall migrate with firm resolve and trust in God. I have decided to make Lahore my permanent home. There are some difficulties, and it will take some time to resolve them. I shall need a considerable amount of money to move all my belongings from here and settle some of my financial debts. Tarjuman-ul-Quran has a debt of more than one thousand rupees. It must be repaid. I shall also need nearly one thousand rupees to take my belongings with me and wind up my business here and start afresh in Lahore. For this purpose, I wish to sell a piece of land and some immovable property. I hope these matters will be completed within three or four months. In the meantime, I shall visit Lahore once to see what arrangements I need to make if I am to live there. I intend to travel by the end of the coming month of Rajab. After staying in Delhi for four or five days, I shall reach Lahore at the end of Rajab or the beginning of Sha’ban. On this occasion, God willing, it will also be decided what I should write about the Qadianis. In fact, I have not studied this subject much so far. Whatever I have learned about it has come solely from the writings of Bani Sahib. But that is not sufficient for writing anything research-based. I shall consult those in Lahore who have considerable expertise in Qadianism and collect material for writing.

Note: A copy of Mr. Nazir Niazi’s letter could not be obtained.

Your humble servant

Abul A’la.

Appendix 2

Letter written to Maulana Maududi by Mr. Nazir Niazi, the private secretary of Allama Iqbal:

25 Macleod Road, Lahore

18 April 1938

My honored friend, assalamu alaikum,

I hope you are well by the grace of Allah Almighty. A few days ago, I learned from Sayyid Muhammad Shah Sahib that you had come to Jamalpur and would soon come to Lahore as well. Since then, I have been constantly waiting for you. Doctor Sahib says that if you truly intend to come to Lahore, then come at once so that you can meet.

What I wish to say is that Doctor Sahib Qibla’s condition is extremely serious. There is no certainty even for a moment. But you must keep this matter strictly to yourself and tell no one.

Therefore, it would be best if you came as soon as you could. Pray for the health of Doctor Sahib.

Your sincere

Niazi

Maulana Maududi’s reply

Tarjuman-ul-Quran

Dar-ul-Islam, Pathankot

23 April 1938

My respected friend, assalamu alaikum

I was preparing to leave as I had promised when I suddenly received the news of the Allama’s death. My heart was completely shattered. My greatest sorrow is that I have lost such a golden opportunity. Had I known, I would have left everything and arrived immediately. I consider it my sheer misfortune that I was deprived of a final meeting with him, someone whose equal I will probably never find anywhere else.

This is the second greatest loss for the Muslims after Muhammad Ali (the Maulana), and in my view it is greater than the first loss. I do not know what Allah intends. Apparently, we can only think that the Muslim nation is being punished for its ingratitude and incompetence by having its finest person taken away at the very time when he was most needed. Now, looking across the whole of Hindustan, no one like him comes into view to whom one might turn for help. Darkness has spread in every direction. Even the one lamp that was flickering has been taken away.

What drew me to Punjab was Iqbal’s person. I came here hoping to receive guidance from him. Under his leadership, I would do whatever I could for Islam and the Muslims. Now I feel that I have been left completely alone in this storm-tossed sea. The dilapidated state of my heart has reached its extreme. I console myself only by thinking: “So what if Iqbal has died? Allah is still here. Everyone is mortal. The only Ever-Living One is that Hayy and Qayyum. If He wishes to take some work from you, He will provide other means and resources to help you.”

My dear brother! You remained with the Allama until the end. If he said anything about me before he passed away, you must certainly tell me.

Your humble servant

Abul A’la

P.S. I was thinking of sending a condolence message to his survivors. Later it occurred to me that we are all his survivors. And we are all entitled to consolation in this grief.

Chronology of Maulana Maududi’s Life

Subject-Wise Bibliography of Maulana Maududi’s Works

Several Books in Bengali about Maulana Maududi